His appearance this past Thursday to repeatedly ask for forgiveness and announce the firing of most of his advisory team did not prevent New Jersey Governor Chris Christie from feeling the damage caused by a political scandal that has seriously compromised the career of the person who was currently perhaps the nation's most popular politician and without a doubt the Republican Party's main hope to take back the White House.
"All I can do is apologize," said Christie, after learning that some of his staff were involved in an apparently minor and childish issue but one so despicable it would arouse suspicions about the moral attitude of any politician: The closing of two lanes at the crossing of the George Washington Bridge, an essential route for traffic between New Jersey and New York, with the intent to create monumental obstruction and to punish a mayor who had refused to support Christie in his battle to be re-elected.
Christie had maintained up to now that neither he nor anyone in his office had had anything to do with the incident, which took place in September. On Wednesday, however, the press published emails sent by high-level civil servants in his government that not only demonstrated the opposite was true, but also illustrated the disdain with which Christie's advisers referred to the rival mayor from Fort Lee and the citizens affected by the obstruction.
This Thursday, the governor appeared in order to make assurances that he had not known about the operation, that he was deceived by his staff and that, at no moment, did he act with the intent of threatening or punishing the mayor of Fort Lee for political reasons. "I am not a bully," he attested.
However, with this very denial, Christie acknowledged what has been suspected as being one of his major character traits: his tendency to react furiously, passionately and disproportionately when someone opposes him. It is common in politics for a denial to make a rumor more credible. "I am not a crook," Richard Nixon said in the middle of Watergate. Now, Christie is going to have a lot of trouble trying to convince Americans that, effectively, he is not a bully. Some of the questions from the round of press were revealing: "You weren't yelling at people who—?" "Governor, [did you] break anything?"
Provoking traffic chaos in order to punish a mayor that opposes him — a chaos of such proportions that it had been in the New York news for months — is such a highly disreputable act that it makes it difficult for him to maintain the authority to make election promises. It is evident that some members of his team are implicated. The emails prove that his deputy chief of staff had said, "Time for some traffic problems in Fort Lee," and that another of his staff, who worked in the control office for the George Washington Bridge, was delighted when he was told that thousands of children were stuck on their way to school, that those were suffering the consequences of that act were "[...] the children of Buono voters," in reference to Barbara Buono, Christie's rival in the November election for governor. Even if it is true that Christie himself did not know anything, it is alarming that he could surround himself with such people.
Christie won the November election with ease. That win was mentioned internationally as his confirmation as the Republican with the highest probability of winning the 2016 presidential election. Acclaimed in a state with a Democratic majority, Christie ratified his profile of moderate politics with the capability to win support from widespread voting sectors, exactly what is required to reach the White House. The governor never denied this ambition; throughout the winter, there have been speculations and even polls taken regarding a potential Chris Christie-Hillary Clinton duel.
Now, doubt surrounds all of this, even assuming the idea is not completely ruled out. Despite his popularity, Christie does not lack enemies within and outside his party who will try to take advantage of this serious blunder in order to finish him off. Within the Republican Party, this news will bring much satisfaction to many conservatives and tea party supporters who have distrusted Christie since he agreed to collaborate with Barack Obama and was photographed with the president after Hurricane Sandy in 2012.
Christie will try to escape this predicament with the tools that have made him famous up to now: his naturalness and spontaneity. This past Thursday, he answered questions on the subject for two hours, apparently hiding nothing. He admitted that, while he has a strong character, is human and is not perfect, he would never react in such a way as to harm citizens because of anger toward a political rival.
It could work. Americans are quite receptive to the recognition of errors and tend to support politicians who show compassion and with whom they can relate. These are precisely some of problems that Obama has faced due to his rigidity and distance. However, this case is about a scandal that is not related to the confusing world of financing and networking in which politicians live. On the contrary, it deals with the daily torment of many New Jersey citizens: his or her commute to New York. That could be more difficult to forgive.
Su aparición este jueves para pedir repetidamente perdón y anunciar la liquidación de buena parte de su equipo de asesores, no le ha evitado al gobernador de Nueva Jersey, Chris Christie, el daño causado por un escándalo político que compromete seriamente la carrera de quien en este momento era tal vez el político más popular del país y sin duda la mayor esperanza del Partido Republicano de reconquistar la Casa Blanca.
“Todo lo que puedo hacer es disculparme”, dijo Christie tras conocerse que algunos de sus colaboradores estuvieron implicados en un asunto aparentemente menor e infantil, pero tan miserable que despierta sospechas sobre la altura moral de cualquier político: el cierre de dos carriles en el cruce del puente George Washington –una vía esencial en el tráfico entre Nueva Jersey y Nueva York- con el propósito de crear un monumental atasco y perjudicar a un alcalde que se había negado a apoyarle en su disputa por la reelección.
Christie había sostenido hasta ahora que ni él ni nadie de si entorno habían tenido nada que ver con ese incidente, ocurrido en septiembre pasado. El miércoles, sin embargo, la prensa hizo públicos correos electrónicos enviados por altos funcionarios de su gobierno que, no solo demuestran lo contrario, sino que prueban el desprecio con el que los asesores de Christie se refieren al alcalde rival, perteneciente a la ciudad de Fort Lee, y a los ciudadanos afectados por el embotellamiento.
El gobernador compareció este jueves para asegurar que no estaba enterado de esa operación, que fue engañado por sus colaboradores y que, en ningún momento, actuó con el propósito de amenazar o castigar al alcalde de Fort Lee por razones políticas. “No soy un matón”, aseguró.
Pero en esa misma negación, Christie reconocía lo que desde hace tiempo se sospecha como uno de los principales rasgos de su carácter: su tendencia a las reacciones coléricas, apasionadas y desproporcionadas cuando alguien se le resiste. Es frecuente en política el fenómeno de que un desmentido hace más verosímil un rumor. “No soy un tramposo”, dijo Richard Nixon en medio del Watergate. Ahora, Christie va a tener muchas dificultades para convencer a los norteamericanos de que, efectivamente, no es un matón. Algunas de las preguntas de la rueda de prensa fueron reveladoras: “¿Gritó mucho cuando se enteró de los e-mail?”, “¿Rompió algo?”.
Provocar un caos de tráfico para castigar a un alcalde que se le resiste –un caos de tales dimensiones que durante meses ha sido noticia en Nueva York- es una bajeza de tal calibre que es difícil conservar la autoridad para hacer promesas electorales. La implicación de algunos de los miembros de su equipo es evidente. Los e-mail prueban que su vicejefa de Gabinete anunció que “es hora de que haya problemas de tráfico en Fort Lee” y que otro de sus colaboradores, que trabajaba en la oficina de control del puente de George Washington, se regocijaba, cuando se le advertía de que miles de niños estaban atrapados en el trayecto a la escuela, de que los que sufrían las consecuencias de ese despropósito eran “los hijos de los votantes de Buono”, en referencia a Barbara Buono, la rival de Christie en las elecciones para gobernador en noviembre. Incluso si es verdad que el propio Christie no sabía nada, es alarmante que pueda rodearse de semejante personal.
Christie acabó ganando las elecciones de noviembre con suma facilidad. Ese triunfo fue mencionado internacionalmente como la confirmación del republicano con más posibilidades de obtener la victoria en las elecciones presidenciales de 2016. Aclamado en un estado de mayoría demócrata, Christie ratificó su perfil de político moderado capaz de obtener apoyos de amplios sectores del electorado, justo lo que se requiere para llegar a la Casa Blanca. El gobernador nunca negó esa ambición, y durante todo este invierno se ha venido especulando –incluso se han hecho encuestas- sobre el próximo duelo Chris Christie-Hillary Clinton.
Ahora todo eso queda en duda, si no es que completamente descartado. Pese a toda su popularidad, a Christie no le faltan enemigos dentro y fuera de su partido que traten de aprovechar este grave traspiés para acabar con él. Dentro del Partido Republicano esta noticia habrá sido motivo de satisfacción entre muchos conservadores y afines al Tea Party que recelan de Christie desde que éste aceptó la colaboración de Barack Obama y fotografiarse con él con motivo del huracán Sandy de 2012.
Christie intentará salir de este apuro con las armas que le han hecho famoso hasta ahora, su naturalidad y espontaneidad. Este jueves estuvo contestando preguntas sobre el tema durante dos horas, aparentemente sin esconder nada. Admitió que tiene un carácter fuerte, que es humano, que no es perfecto, pero que nunca reaccionaría de forma tal que los ciudadanos resultasen perjudicados por su ira contra un rival político.
Podría funcionarle. Los norteamericanos son bastante receptivos al reconocimiento de errores y suelen respaldar a los políticos que muestran humanidad y proximidad. Esas son, precisamente, algunas de las dificultades de Obama, su rigidez, su lejanía. Pero, en esta ocasión, se trata de un escándalo que no está relacionado con el confuso mundo de financiación y contactos en el que viven los políticos, sino con el tormento cotidiano de cualquier ciudadano de Nueva Jersey: su recorrido a Nueva York. Y eso puede ser más difícil de perdonar.
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link
.
The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,