A Slow-to-Act Japan Irritates the US

Published in Nihon Keizai Shinbun
(Japan) on 31 March 2014
by Senior Staff Writer Akita Hiroyuki (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Courtney Coppernoll. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The Ukraine crisis has widened the gap between Japan and the U.S. The U.S. worries that if the two countries don't take a firm stance on the issue, it could spark chaos in Asia as well. Its impatience to move forward with sanctions on Russia is increasing its dissatisfaction with Japan, which has been slow to act.

In late March, Russia created tension between itself and the U.S. by annexing Crimea, the southern portion of Ukraine. Around the same time, a symposium on Japan-U.S. relations was held in Washington.

“With this, it's become easy to strengthen a 'shake-up' of the Senkaku Islands. This could be what China is sensing.”* Former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage gave that warning about the impact the Ukraine crisis would have on Japan. The U.S., Japan and Europe have been unable to stop Russia's actions. Seeing through those failed measures, China, too, could become more assertive.

Without Strong Sanctions

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe joined with other leaders at the “Group of Seven” (G-7) talks and strengthened his criticism of Russia. However, he's not putting up sanctions as strong as those of the U.S. and European Union (EU). His timing for establishing sanctions was also slower than both the U.S. and the EU.

Prime Minister Abe has met for talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin five times, after which he firmly expected to enter negotiations over the Northern Territories. He was also aiming to prevent China and Russia from uniting over anti-Japanese sentiments. Yet, as a result of Russia incorporating Crimea and increasing its military pressure on Eastern Ukraine, Washington turned an increasingly severe eye on Japan for its cooperation with Russia.

Such feelings were expressed by a U.S. government official, who divulged that “Russia's incorporation of Crimea has crossed a line that should not be crossed. In the U.S. political administration, voices asking why Japan still hasn't strengthened its sanctions are beginning to be heard.”*

Another example is the American reaction to a March 19 conference in Tokyo, where Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry hosted a “Japan-Russia Investment Forum” with the Russian Ministry of Economic Development. Though the cabinet ministers who were scheduled to attend postponed, at the beginning of the meeting, messages from both leaders were read aloud, and a memorandum on corporate cooperation was signed.

Behind closed doors, the American side is expressing concern over such cooperation, stating, “It's unfortunate that this is taking place at a time when the U.S. and Europe are moving forward with sanctions.”*

Before the Ukraine crisis, the U.S. political administration's position was to welcome closer ties between Japan and Russia. The Japanese and Russian ministers in charge of foreign affairs and defense held meetings (“2-plus-2”) for the first time last November. At that time, several U.S. government officials evaluated the situation positively, making comments like “Cooperation between Japan and Russia is also in line with American national interests,”* and “When Russia makes its appearance in Asia, it will not be with China, but arm in arm with Japan and the U.S.”*

As far as the U.S. is concerned, the worst case scenario would be China and Russia forming an alliance, which could then oppose anything and everything put forward by American diplomacy. If Japan and Russia were to become close, however, it would be easy to prevent such a scenario from occurring.

Edward Luttwak, a military strategist who advises the U.S. Department of Defense, also pointed this out: “In Russia, because it doesn’t have the economic strength for a sudden military expansion, it doesn't pose as much of a threat to us as China. Moreover, Russia is exposed to expansion from China in the Far East. Taking a close look at China, we — Japan, the U.S. and Russia — can cooperate in Asia in the long-term.”*

However, due to the Ukraine crisis, such an outlook for Russia is beginning to fade within the Obama administration.

Senkaku Islands Are Also Affected

The undercurrent here is the same as what was expressed at the beginning of Armitage's speech: If we excuse Russia's actions here, then China could misunderstand.

A former U.S. government official who's still close to the administration explains: “If we take a soft approach toward Russia's incorporation of Crimea, it's not unlikely to also have an effect in Asia because China might then think it's OK to be more aggressive in the East and South China Seas.”*

If China grows too confident, the first country to bear the brunt of its actions will be Japan. Despite this, Japan's response to Russia has been slow, which is adding to the American side's frustration.

U.S. military leaders brought this subject up, stating, “Before long the Crimea issue will recoil, also putting the Senkaku Islands in danger.”*

Given the strength (or, rather, the weakness) of Japan's sanctions, the state of affairs remains largely unchanged. However, it's not only the U.S. and Europe who are watching the Abe administration's interactions with Russia. China is watching, too.

Can Japan and the U.S. get on the same page and work together? The success or failure of that endeavor will influence the direction of Asia.

*Editor’s Note: The quotations in this article, accurately translated, could not be verified.


動き鈍い日本、いら立つ米
ウクライナ危機の対ロ制裁巡り
中国の増長 アジアで警戒

 ウクライナ危機が、日米のきしみを強めている。米国はここで厳しく出なければ、アジアにも混乱の火種を生みかねないと危惧する。そんな焦りが、対ロ制裁への動きが遅い日本への不満を増幅させている。
画像の拡大

 ウクライナ南部のクリミアをロシアが編入し、米ロが緊迫するさなかの3月下旬。日米関係のシンポジウムがワシントンで開かれた。

 「これで、尖閣諸島への揺さぶりを強めやすくなった。中国はそう感じているだろう」

 アーミテージ元国務副長官は、ウクライナ危機が日本におよぼす影響についてこう警告した。ロシアの行動を止められない米欧日の足元を見透かし、中国も強気になるというわけだ。

強い制裁せず

 安倍晋三首相は主要7カ国(G7)で足並みをそろえ、ロシアへの批判を強めている。しかし、米国や欧州連合(EU)ほどには強い制裁に踏み込んでいない。制裁のタイミングも米、EUより遅かった。

 プーチン・ロシア大統領と5回、会談した安倍首相には、これから北方領土交渉だ、という思いが強い。中ロが反日で結束するのを阻むねらいもある。

 ロシアがクリミアを編入し、ウクライナ東部への軍事圧力も強めるにいたり、ワシントンでは、そんな日本への視線が厳しさを増している。

 「ロシアはクリミア編入という、越えてはならない一線を越えた。日本はなぜ、それでも制裁を強めないのかという声が、米政権内で出始めている」。米政府当局者はこう明かす。

 たとえば、3月19日、経済産業省がロシア経済発展省などと都内で開いた「日露投資フォーラム」。予定されていた閣僚の出席は見送られたが、冒頭、両首脳のメッセージが読み上げられ、企業協力のための覚書が交わされた。

 「米欧が制裁に動いているときに、残念だ」。米側はこうした日本の対応への懸念を水面下で伝えた。

 ウクライナ危機の前には、米政権内に日ロの接近を歓迎する向きもあった。

 日ロが初めて、外務・防衛担当閣僚級協議(2プラス2)を開いた昨年11月。複数の米政府関係者は「日ロの協力は米国の国益にもかなう」「ロシアがアジアに出てくる際、中国ではなく、日米と組むように仕向けられる」と評価した。

 米国にとって最悪なのは、中ロが“枢軸”を組み、米外交に何でもかんでも抵抗する展開だ。日ロが近づけば、これを防ぎやすくなる。米国防総省にも助言する米軍事戦略家、エドワード・ルトワック氏はこう指摘する。

 「ロシアには急激に軍拡する経済力がないので、中国ほどには米国の脅威にならない。しかも、ロシアは極東で中国の膨張にさらされている。中国をにらみ、日米とロシアは長期的にはアジアで協力できる」

 しかし、ウクライナ危機後、こうした対ロ観はオバマ政権内で薄れつつある。

「尖閣にも影響」

 底流にあるのは、冒頭のアーミテージ発言と同じように、ここでロシアを許したら、中国が勘違いしかねないという懸念だ。

 米政権に近い元米政府高官は解説する。「ロシアのクリミア編入に甘い態度をとれば、アジアにも影響がおよびかねない。東シナ海や南シナ海で強硬に出ても大丈夫だ、と中国が思ってしまうからだ」

 中国が強気になれば、まず矢面に立たされるのは日本だ。それなのに日本の反応が鈍いことが、米側のいら立ちをふくらませている。

 「クリミア問題は、やがて尖閣諸島の危機にも跳ね返ってくる。これは日本自身の問題だと受け止めるべきだ」。米軍幹部はこう訴える。

 日本の制裁の強弱で、情勢が大きく変わるわけではない。ただ、安倍政権の対応は米欧だけでなく、中国も見ている。

 日米は同じ土俵に立ち、連携できるか。その成否はアジアの行方も左右する。

(編集委員 秋田浩之)
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