Trump To Continue Fight Despite Unfavorable Supreme Court Ruling

Published in The United Daily News
(Taiwan) on 22 February 2026
by Chang Ching (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
In a 6–3 vote on Feb. 20, the U.S. Supreme Court justices ruled that President Donald Trump had acted unlawfully in invoking the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act to impose steep tariffs on multiple trading partners worldwide. Many political and economic analysts have pointed out that the Trump administration will come under broad fiscal pressure to refund those tariffs as a result.

There is little doubt that the ruling will deal a significant blow to Trump’s political standing and policy momentum. But despite the adverse decision, he and his administration have remained defiant, immediately invoking Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 to impose a new 10% tariff on top of existing tariffs on all trading partners, worldwide, for 150 days. The move is aimed at replacing what have been referred to as reciprocal tariffs, which were imposed under the IEEPA but have been overturned by the Supreme Court ruling.

What form is Trump’s damage control likely to take, in response to the situation? First, we have to recognize that Trump can still invoke a range of existing legal provisions to continue imposing high tariffs on different trading partners on various grounds. It would therefore be overly optimistic to assume that countries which, under pressure from the Trump administration’s steep tariffs, were forced to enter trade negotiations and agree to stringent concessions, will now seek to reopen and renegotiate investment and trade agreements that have already been concluded and signed.

For the time being, many countries that have succumbed to Trump’s high tariffs are likely to adopt a wait-and-see approach; to make the first move and challenge a currently irate President Trump would be a politically unwise and impulsive policy choice. In the coming weeks, the most sensible government strategy would be to wait for the Trump administration to formulate a response plan before taking appropriate action. That said, investment projects under existing agreements that were not originally expected to yield significant returns will clearly be slowed. Similarly, promised procurement projects may be deferred unless market conditions justify proceeding, with final decisions made once the situation is clearer.

Trump will continue to press ahead with his original political agenda. Even if his bargaining chips have indeed decreased, publicly adjusting established plans, including overseas visits, would be tantamount to admitting that the political game has been disrupted, and that he cannot control the political situation. This would lead to a reversal of momentum, setting off a chain reaction of crushing defeats. Politicians facing political adversity do not give up easily; instead, they keep on fighting in hopes of bringing about a reversal of the situation, and Trump is no exception. Therefore, the chances are relatively slim that there will be any change to his repeatedly publicized plans to visit Beijing.

Furthermore, when the Supreme Court issues a ruling unfavorable to the executive branch’s policies, Congress then plays a more crucial role in influencing the political gridlock. Whether Congress will make effective use of its institutional authority to gain greater influence through proactive legislation warrants continued observation. Having previously relied on assertive executive measures to dominate the political agenda, the Trump administration may now attempt to improve its relationship with Congress, seeking to gain control of the political landscape through congressional support. The international community will undoubtedly be paying attention to whether this becomes a major feature of American politics in the near future.

In addition, we have to consider how Taiwan’s political establishment will respond to changes in the American political landscape. Whether the Legislative Yuan’s deliberations over the Taiwan-U.S. Agreement on Reciprocal Trade will be affected, and whether the pace of any such deliberations will be slowed as a tactical measure to buy time and observe how the Trump administration manages subsequent political developments, are matters that are worth careful consideration and assessment by Taiwanese politicians.

Finally, it needs to be emphasized once more that, in the face of an adverse ruling from the Supreme Court, Trump is bound to keep fighting relentlessly, as the issue directly implicates his political credibility and reputation. Withdrawing from his fundamental strategy of using tariffs to pressure other countries would be an unbearable burden on his political prospects. Until the situation becomes clearer, senior Taiwanese government officials and national security leaders must remember that, right now, silence speaks louder than words, and it is better to remain still than to act rashly. Any hasty or impulsive statements or comments via social media could backfire spectacularly, turning attempted gains into a loss and leaving both strategy and reputations in tatters.

The author is a senior research fellow at the Society for Strategic Studies think tank in Taiwan.


最高法院不利判決 川普仍將繼續纏鬥

2026-02-22 06:01 聯合報/ 張競/中華戰略學會資深研究員

美國聯邦最高法院大法官以6比3投票結果,於美東時間2月20日提出裁定,判決美國總統川普依據1977年《國際緊急經濟權力法》(IEEPA),對全球多個貿易往來對象國徵收高額關稅違法;並且許多政治經濟評論分析師紛紛指出,依據判決結果,將引發川普政府面臨廣泛性退還關稅財政壓力。

此項判決結果,無可置疑將對川普政治聲望與政策氣勢產生重大打擊,但儘管面對不利判決,川普總統與其行政團隊仍然態度強硬,並立即援引《1974年貿易法案》(Trade Act of 1974)第122條,對全球各個貿易往來對象國,在既有關稅額度上,另行疊加為期150天10%新關稅,期能取代遭致聯邦最高法院判決所推翻,援引《國際緊急經濟權力法》而增加之所謂對等貿易關稅。

後續川普將會如何應對情勢進行損害管制?首先,吾人必須注意到川普仍可援引多項既有法案條款,針對不同貿易往來對象國,依據不同理由繼續課徵高額關稅。因此若是認為許多在川普政府高額關稅壓迫下,不得不與其展開貿易協商並允諾相當嚴苛妥協條件國家,將會因此反悔要求重新磋商原先已經談妥並簽署之投資與貿易協議,恐怕是過度樂觀。

國際社會在川普高關稅壓迫下就範的諸多國家,在此時都將會先保持觀望態度,率先出手去挑戰此時充滿憤怒情緒之川普總統,絕對是缺乏政治智慧的盲目衝動政策選項。未來數周內,等到川普行政團隊擬妥應對方案後,再採取適當行動,應該是各國政府最合理之回應策略。但落實既有協議之相關投資步調,若原來並不預期會產生明顯回收效益,顯然就會刻意放緩。同樣對於應允採購項目,除非目前具備合理市場供需誘因,亦可能暫時推遲,觀察風向變化後再作定奪。

其次,就是川普仍將繼續維持推動原先所規畫各項政治議程,就算手中籌碼確實減少,此時若是公開調整包括對外出訪之既定行程,無異公開招認政治棋局已被打亂,本身無法掌控政治局勢,此將導致後續氣勢逆轉,產生兵敗如山倒連鎖反應。政治人物面對政治逆境,絕不輕言落敗放棄,反而會繼續纏鬥希望情勢逆轉;川普本身亦不例外。因此若是預期川普多次高調宣稱出訪北京規畫方案將會有所變化,恐怕機率相對有限。

再者,就要談到當美國最高法院提出對行政部門所持政策不利判決時,此時,國會就將獲得扮演影響政治僵局更為關鍵角色,有無可能國會將會妥善運用其職能,藉由主動立法獲得更高影響力,確實值得繼續觀察。川普政府原先採取強勢行政手法主導政局,未來是否會試圖改善其與國會互動關係,希望透過國會支持掌控政局發展,會不會成為近期內美國政治重要戲碼,勢將受到國際社會密切關注。

此外,就要談到台灣政壇面對美國政局變化,立法院審議《駐美國台北經濟文化代表處與美國在台協會關於台灣與美國間對等貿易協定》進程是否會受到影響,審查步調與節奏是否將會放慢,作為爭取更多時間觀察川普政府應付政局後續變化緩兵之計,確實值得國內政治人物思考與評估。

最後還是必須再三強調,面對聯邦最高法院不利判決,川普勢將繼續纏鬥不休,因此項議題涉及其本身政治威信與聲望,撤回以關稅壓迫各國之基本策略,確實是關係其政治前景所不可承受之重。面對情勢尚未明朗前,政府執政高層與國安首長必須牢記此時無聲勝有聲,各項決策一動不如一靜,千萬不要盲目衝動胡亂發言與透過社交媒體輕率表態,否則很可能偷雞不成蝕把米,搞成賠了夫人又折兵。
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