How Much Toilet Paper Does the U.S. Department of Defense Use Every Year?

Published in Ifeng
(China) on 6 October 2010
by Yang Heng Jun (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Zoe Wang. Edited by Heidi Kaufmann.
A couple of days ago, I was at the Hong Kong airport bookstore. There was a large bookshelf consisting of more than 40 new books, which disclosed secrets of the Chinese government, insight into policies and situations of the Chinese leaders. Glancing at a few of them, I realized that the so-called “disclosed insights,” if in the Western Hemisphere, could all be found in the government archives, available to the general public. In China, however, the “insights” become “secrets,” keeping a large number of publishers in business. During the following few days when visiting abroad, I ended up meeting with the so-called “experts,” who were full of “insight stories” regarding China’s high-level meetings involving personnel arrangements, most of which were speculation and pure nonsense. I couldn’t help but sigh over how an opaque government can create so many “experts.” Then the concept of “right to know,” mentioned by President Hu Jintao, came to mind.

In the “four rights” mentioned by President Hu, the “right to know” comes before the other three rights (the right to participate, the right to express and the right to oversee government actions). What is the “right to know,” and where does it come from?

This concept was imported from the Western liberal democratic countries. It originated in Europe and America. But don’t be mistaken — the right to know, as an important democratic principle and a civil right, was not freely given to the people by the Constitution — at least not in England, France or America.

Take America, for example. The right to know was not officially recognized by law until the ‘50s or ‘60s. But before that, the idea of the right to know always existed in the philosophy of democracy. People, as well as the media, never ceased to disclose government acts and files. People who live in a free society thought that the government elected by the people should be open and transparent. However, in reality, without a law protecting the people’s right to know, it was somewhat difficult to be truly informed about the government’s actions.

America started to legally recognize the people’s right to know when the Freedom of Information Act was passed in 1966 and took effect in 1967. President Lyndon Johnson, the president who signed the law, praised the law, saying that it showed that the United States "values highly the right of the people to know how their government is operating."

The passage of this law created an entirely different situation compared to how this issue was previously handled. Before the Freedom of Information Act was passed, if you went into the government archives to ask for results of meetings or resolutions and such, the government workers would tell you, “No comment.” If you persisted, they would even throw you out, question your motives for requesting such information or even threaten you with the accusation of obstructing governmental affairs. But now with the law on your side, you can go to the government and request information openly and publicly. If the government workers ask you why you need the information, you can instead tell them, “No comment.” Even with the “no comment,” they will still have to give you the information that you ask for, because it is the law.

Therefore, if the public wants the right to know to be truly enforced, first they have to use the form of law to protect this right and use the law to regulate government behaviors. But would everything really be all right once the law is passed? Certainly not. American citizens’ right to know, especially the media’s, was not automatically protected after the Freedom of Information Act was issued. Their rights to know didn’t even expand correspondingly. What happened?

We have a saying: “You have a decision; I have countermeasures,” and that is what happened. Everybody knows that no matter how open a government is, there has to be a limitation for how much information a government can give to the public. For example, issues involving national security, trade secrets, personal privacy, personnel rules, ongoing legal investigation and so forth cannot be fully open to the public. Therefore, all of the American government departments, especially the Department of Defense and the State Department, use these exceptions to prevent the public from being thoroughly informed and make the lives of the journalists who try to access government files a living hell.

But the American media and active citizens are not willing to give up this precious right. They never beg for their rights, and they do not feel the need to be deeply thankful to their government for passing a law that is supposed to protect their right to know. The citizens of the United States know that if they do not use the law, if they do not implement the law, if they do not take the initiative to explore the boundaries of the law — thereby expanding their rights to the maximum — the law, at any time, can become a double-edged sword used by the government against its citizens. Therefore, over the past 40 years, we witnessed American citizens using the Freedom of Information Act as a platform to further explore their right to know. It was said that everything in the Department of Defense should be kept secret; then a journalist stood up and challenged the authority, demanding that the department publish how much toilet paper it purchased for the soldiers annually, how much the toilet paper cost the taxpayers and if there was a kickback in the purchase. There was no reason why information like this should be kept out of the public domain.

Imagine the public’s surprise when the Department of Defense found a reason to keep even this information secret: If you know how much toilet paper a soldier uses per day, and you know how much toilet paper the Department of Defense supplies for each military base annually, divide the two numbers, and you would know the number of soldiers deployed in a particular military base, which is top-secret, as it involves national security.

Needless to say, it met with universal ridicule by the public when the “national security” explanation appeared in the newspaper. More and more Americans (mostly journalists) came up and challenged the “national security” bottom line set by the Department of Defense and the State Department. Finally, the departments gave in. They had no choice but to be more open and transparent to the public. As a result, the public finally saw in the news that a certain faucet purchased by the Department of Defense cost as much as $1,000, and the purchase price for a toilet was $400.

The inspiration that I drew from the American federal government and its people’s movement toward the right to know is that in order to gain the trust of its citizens, the government cannot rely solely on its “benevolent policy.” It has to rely on the law. The government has to make sure that there are laws to follow, and the laws must be followed. As for the public, it is not enough that the laws exist. People have to use the laws to counter the government actions and use the laws to protect themselves.

The reason why President Hu put the right to know above the other three rights is not because it is the most important right. It is because in modern, civilized society, without the right to know, people cannot truly have their right to participate, their right to express or their right to oversee the government’s actions. How can you participate when you know nothing? How can you express freely when you are kept in the dark? How can you oversee the government’s actions when you as a citizen don’t even know what the government is doing?

Over the past few years, there have been some improvements in the Chinese government’s openness to the public regarding governmental affairs. But it is far from enough. In order to be open and transparent, the Chinese government needs to pass legislation and improve rules and regulations in this respect. Citizens should also take the initiative to urge, to promote or even to challenge the government, in order to make public administration more transparent, to prevent the government from acting in the dark and eventually to expand the people’s right to know.


美国国防部一年用掉多少卫生纸?
杨恒均 2010-10-6
前几天在香港机场逛书店,看到整整一大片书架上,足足有四十多本新书,几乎全部都是揭秘中国政府、政务内幕、领导人情况的,顺手翻了几本,发现这些揭露的“内幕”如果放在西方国家的话,你都可以到政府档案馆去查阅,在中国却成了“秘密”,养活了一大批书商。这几天,我又到了海外,结果碰上的“专家学者”满嘴都是有关中国高层会议与人事安排的“内幕”,大多是推测与瞎胡扯,不觉感叹道:一个不透明的中国政府,造就了多少变态的“专家学者”啊……于是,想到了胡锦涛主席提到的“知情权”。

在胡主席提到的“四权”里,“知情权”是放在另外三权(参与权、表达权、监督权)之前的,那么,什么是“知情权”,这个概念从何而来呢?

这个概念是从西方民主自由国家引进过来的,最早出现于欧洲与美国。但大家不要误会了,“知情权”这么重要的民主原则与公民权利,并没有像我们想当然的那样,是民主国家的宪法赋予民众的。至少英国、法国和美国的宪法中都没有这个耳熟能详的词语。

就拿美国来说,“知情权”是上个世纪五六十年代才被法律正式认可的,当然,在这之前,民众以及新闻工作者一刻也没有停止过揭露与揭秘政府行为与档案,民主的理念中也始终有“知的权利”这个说法。生活在自由世界的人认为他们选出的政府做事当然应该公开、透明,可是,在现实中,在没有法律保护公民“知情权”的情况下,要做到真正知情,实在是有一定困难的。

美国以法的形式彰显公民的“知情权”是从“联邦资讯公开法”开始的,这部法1966年获得通过,1967年开始执行。签署这部法律的美国总统约翰逊(肯尼迪遇刺后的继承人)赞誉这部法律“让我们这个民主社会的每一个公民都能了解政府的所作所为”。

有了这部法律和没有这部法律是完全不一样的,以前,你去政府查档案,询问会议结果与决议之类的,他们会告诉你:无可奉告。你如果再问,他们甚至会把你赶出去,怀疑你问这些东西的动机,甚至威胁要告你妨碍公务。有了这部法律,你就可以去要求政府公开相关资讯,他们如果问你,你要这些资料干啥?你反而可以理直气壮地告诉他们:无可奉告。——即便你“无可奉告”,他们还得乖乖地向你奉上你索要的资讯,因为这是法律规定的。

可见,要想落实公民的“知情权”,首要要以法律的形式保障公民的这一权利,也以法律的形式规范政府的行为。可是,有了法律就万事大吉吗?当然不会,美国公民(尤其是媒体人)的“知情权”并没有因为这部法律的颁布就得到了保障,知的权利甚至没有因此而扩大,怎么回事呢?

这就是我们常说的“你有决策我有对策”,大家知道,再公开的政府,也必须有一定的限度,例如涉及到国家安全、商业秘密、个人隐私、人事细则、法律调查等等,就不能完全公开,而美国各个政府部门,尤其是国防部与国务院,正是利用这条法律后面附加的“九条例外”大做文章,弄得那些想去查阅政府档案的记者焦头烂额。

不过,美国媒体记者与活跃的公民们也不是吃素的,他们从来不吃“嗟来之食”,更不会对政府公布了保障他们的知情权的法律感恩戴德,他们知道,如果你不去实行,不去推行,不去探寻法律的边界,把自己的权利扩张到最大限度,那法律随时会成为政府用来对付你的双刃剑。于是,我们看到过去四十多年里,美国人常常拿这个法律作平台,想要跳得更高和更远。你说国防部的一切都是保密的,那好,就有记者出来挑战你,要求你公布国防部每年用于给士兵购买擦屁股的卫生纸,一共花费了多少纳税人的钱?是否有收回扣现象?这你总能公布吧?

没想到,国防部连这个也找到了保密的理由:你要是知道了一个人每天用多少卫生纸,又知道了我们一年给各个驻地的士兵供应多少卫生纸,两个数字相除,不就知道了我们某个基地的驻军人数?那可是涉及国家安全的绝密啊……

这种对“国家安全”的解释一旦在报纸上披露出来,当然就遭到了的美国民众的一致嘲笑,结果,越来越多的美国人(大多是记者)不停地站出来挑战国务院与国防部的“国家安全”底线,终于,连国务院与国防部也招架不住了,只好也开始政务公开,趋向透明,结果,公众终于在媒体上看到了国防部某个水龙头的采购价高达1000美金,一个马桶盖的采购价是400美元……

美国联邦政府与民众对“知情权”的推动给我的启示是,政府不能只靠“仁政”来取信老百姓,必须得靠法律,要做到有法可依,有法必依。而民众呢,有了法律还不够,还要去使用法律,用法律来对付政府,来保护自己。

胡锦涛主席之所以把“知情权”放到其他三权至上,并不是它最重要,而是因为在现代文明社会,公民缺少了“知情权”,就根本无法谈什么“参与权”、“表达权”与“监督权”,你什么都不知道,如何去参与?你什么都搞不清,又如何去自由表达?你都不知道他们在干什么,又如何去监督?

中国的政府的政务公开这些年有一定的进步,但还远远不够,政府需要立法,完善规章制度,公民也应该主动督促、推进、甚至挑战政府,要求他进一步公开政务,打破各种黑箱操作,以此扩大公民的“知情权”。




This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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