In the Pillory

Washington has surprisingly brought up the subject of Israel’s nuclear arsenal, causing confusion and nervous reactions in Tel Aviv.

Rose Gottemoeller, Assistant Secretary of State for Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, is the cause of a minor sensation in New York concerning the approaching meeting of the signatories to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty: she says the United States expects India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel to sign on as well. According to an article in the Washington Times, the U.S. is prepared to derail the 40-year-old secret agreement that has exempted Israel’s nuclear weapons from international control.

Until now, Israel could be assured that Washington would continue to defend the Israeli exemption. In a secret agreement in 1969, Golda Meir and Richard Nixon agreed that Israel would conduct no nuclear tests in return for the U.S. dropping its insistence that Israel sign the non-proliferation treaty. This admission marks the first time the United States has officially confirmed the existence of Israeli nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, the country is estimated to have an arsenal of some 200 nuclear warheads.

This dramatic about-face in U.S. policy, as the Washington Post called it, caught the Israelis flat-footed. Ex-Knesset member Uzi Even, a scientist who had worked on the Dimona nuclear reactor, was critical: “In the past, there was an informal agreement by which the Americans looked the other way regarding Israel’s nuclear weapons. Now they are tacitly breaking this agreement.”

On Israeli military radio, Dov Weissglas, formerly chief strategist to ex-Premier Ariel Sharon called the announcement “an extremely worrying turn of events” that will endanger Israel’s national security in the long term. The Israeli foreign office reacted with confusion, saying it was difficult to understand why the U.S. would insist on adherence to a treaty that has proven to be so ineffective. Ignoring its own nuclear potential, Tel Aviv tried finger-pointing tactics last week, saying the treaty had not prevented other countries from developing nuclear weapons and citing Iran as an example.

Hossam Zaki, an Egyptian foreign office spokesman, disagreed, saying that Western countries would fail to halt Iran’s civilian nuclear program as long as they ignore Israeli nuclear capabilities. He also said Tel Aviv’s nuclear program was “the first and greatest threat to security in the region.” He claimed Israel’s nuclear weapons destroyed the balance of power in the Near East and only prompted other nations to seek nuclear weapons.

Amr Moussa, Secretary General of the Arab League, said it was “Israel’s military nuclear program that frightened Arabs, not Iran’s.” He added that Israel’s nuclear program has been proven to be military in nature, while there are “no indications that Iran is pursuing a military nuclear program.” Syrian President Bashar al-Assad agreed with this position last week when he said, “All nations have the right to possess nuclear energy. Those who suspect the presence of an Iranian military nuclear program should also show that they are concerned about the Israeli military nuclear program.”

Washington’s demands are seen in Tel Aviv as stage scenery intended to prod Benjamin Netanyahu into re-engaging in the Middle East peace process. Just a few days ago, Vice President Joe Biden curtly insisted Israel get on board with the two-state solution and give up its settlement policy in the West Bank: “Do not build more settlements, dismantle existing outposts and allow Palestinians freedom of movement,” he said. Washington now appears to be abandoning George W. Bush’s aggressive Middle East policies and changing policy toward Israel as well. “What the Israelis sense, rightly, is that Obama wants to do something new on Iran and this may very well involve doing something new about Israel’s program,” said Henry Sokolski, Director of the Washington-based non-governmental Nuclear Nonproliferation Policy Education Center.