Japanese-American Relationship Must Not Go Back to Square One

Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda is finally paying a formal visit to the United States, almost three years after the last Japanese head of state to visit the White House, Taro Aso. The return to normality for Japanese-American relations is in itself positive, but there is not much more to this visit than simply getting out of the negatives and back up to zero.

The latest joint statement strives to reaffirm that the alliance between Japan and America is a cornerstone of the Asia-Pacific region, and talks about the establishment of a “dynamic defense alliance” to keep an eye on Chinese maritime advances. But given events such as Japan’s postponement of a decision over its participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, it is hard to say that sufficient developments have been made here. Rather than just restoring Japanese-American diplomatic relations from negative numbers to zero, we need a diplomatic effort to push them further into the positive spectrum.

Before the conference, the two governments released a joint document detailing the relocation of U.S. forces stationed in Japan. The initial statement regarding the relocation of the Futenma airbase to the Henoko ward in Nago City, Okinawa, stated, “it is the only viable option.” This has now been supplemented by the tentative qualifier, “…that we can identify at present.” Allegedly, other sites besides Henoko may still be considered.

Opposition in the U.S. Congress claims that the Henoko plan is not a realistic one. As Congress wields the power over the American national defense budget, its opinion cannot be ignored. This means that the implementation of the plan is now even more difficult.

But considering the firm demands of Okinawans to relocate the base outside the prefecture, we may not see any change to this complicated situation anytime soon. In a worst-case scenario, both governments will simply ignore the complex circumstances surrounding this problem, and stick to the Henoko plan. This would cause the issue to become stalled.

Regarding the relocation to Guam of U.S. Marines currently stationed in Okinawa, the joint document states that Japan will adhere to its 2009 agreement and cover up to $2.8 billion of the cost. This seems appropriate. Five U.S. military facilities and precincts south of Kadena Air Base are going to be returned to Japan in three steps. These measures will directly reduce the burden carried by Okinawa, and a clear deadline for their quick realization should be set.

In the three years that no formal dialogue took place between the Japanese and American administrations, Japan’s global position has changed a great deal. China has overtaken it as the world’s second-largest economy and South Korea has greatly improved its standing as an American ally. Vladimir Putin has been reinstated as president of Russia, while the new president of North Korea continues to fire ballistic missiles and taunt the world with its nuclear tests. Considering these circumstances, firm cooperation between Japan and the United States is especially necessary. But at present, it is not strong enough.

And the United States is not the only concern. With Golden Week* comes the China-Japan-South Korea trilateral leadership summit, followed by the G8 summit, and so on. Japan’s diplomatic abilities will continue to be put to the test on the international stage.

The world’s view of the Japanese government is critical. Even though the alliance between Japan and the U.S. is back on track for now, internal partisan disputes within the Japanese administration may end up reversing the progress that has been made. The prime minister and the other parties involved should strive for a government that is conscious of international opinion.

*Translator’s Note: A series of holidays in late April and early May

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