The “Pacific Rim 2012” Joint Military Exercise

The “Pacific Rim 2012” joint military exercises kicked off this week. 22 countries are participating in the 55-day exercise. The U.S. military keeps a firm grasp by “pulling help from partners” in the Western Pacific.

What exactly is the U.S. doing in the Western Pacific? Earlier this month, U.S. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta participated in the 11th Asian Security Conference (the Shangri-La Dialogue), where he announced in the news that “by 2020, the Navy will re-posture its forces from today’s roughly 50/50 percent split between the Pacific and the Atlantic to about a 60/40 split between those oceans. That will include six aircraft carriers in this region, a majority of our cruisers, destroyers, littoral combat ships, and submarines.” The media has put out this issue one be one.

The release of Panetta’s clear signal echoes. Under the U.S.’ “leadership,” intensive military activities began recently in the Asia-Pacific region. There has once again been a great density of global military exercises in Asia, as it is a region that covers the widest range. Recently, the United States, along with South Korea and Japan, the two bridgeheads in East Asia, launched a sea and land military exercise in a “two-pronged” approach in the Yellow Sea and the Korean Peninsula. From June 29 through Aug. 3, the joint military exercise named “Pacific Rim 2012” will take place along the U.S. Hawaiian rim’s maritime space. It will last a period of 55 days and will include 22 countries.

From Northeast Asia’s Busan, South Korea to Japan’s Okinawa, from Southeast Asia’s Changi, Singapore to Australia’s Port of Darwin, U.S. naval bases are densely distributed. Throughout the Pacific region, the U.S. already has the strongest maritime control force. However, the U.S. is unwilling with regard to this: Recently, “partners that help has been pulled from” have intensified in the Western Pacific maritime space, maintaining a combat readiness. In this undertaking, what specific strategic objectives does the U.S. have when all is said and done? In what way will the U.S. specifically deploy its six aircraft carriers in the Asia-Pacific? Current military observations will be investigated.

Participating Asia-Pacific Countries on the Three “Island Chains”

The United States, who has been continuously exposed as advocating an air of hegemony, has never been willing to be lonely. Recently in Northeast Asia, under the leadership of the United States, along with South Korea and Japan, three joint military exercises were held that muddied the situation there. However, compared with “Pacific Rim 2012,” which is about to be held, these three exercises in Northeast Asia can be described as a “cake walk.” “Pacific Rim 2012,” which is to be held soon, not only has the Pacific Rim countries such as the United States, Australia, Canada, Peru, Mexico, South Korea, Singapore, Thailand, New Zealand, the Philippines and Russia, but also has countries that are outside the region, such as France, Norway and the United Kingdom. At the end of this month, 22 countries and 42 warships, six submarines, 200 military aircraft and more than 25,000 people will be in the Asia-Pacific jointly sounding the “knit together number.”

Asia-Pacific countries participating in the military exercises are almost all major countries located on the third “island chain.” “The U.S. believes that the best way to “blockade the Asia-Pacific” is to blockade China and suppress Russia. Therefore, actually ‘blockading the Pacific Ocean’ in the third island chain requires a focus on the deployment of naval forces, an increase in equipment and drilling military forces and preventing China and Russia from developing momentum for threatening the U.S.’ maritime hegemonic position,” said military network president Guo Xuanxiang to a Nanfang Daily reporter.

Coincidentally, last month, U.S. Defense Secretary Panetta participated in the annual graduation ceremony of the U.S. Naval Academy and said, “America’s future prosperity and security are tied to our ability to advance peace and security along the arc extending from the Western Pacific and East Asia into the Indian Ocean and South Asia.” The U.S. Navy and Marine Corps must act as pioneers. They are leading the recovery of U.S. control over global and Asia-Pacific waters.

In early June, Panetta also said that 60 percent of the U.S. Navy’s fleet will be deployed in the Asia-Pacific in 2020. Guo declared that the U.S.’ military strategy right now is to have an “all-decisive battle in enemy territory.” That is, the U.S. is always preventing the “potential enemy” from becoming a maritime power. The U.S.’ maritime strategy aims to block potential enemies from the sea. The U.S. wants to prevent the enemy from the sea and to suppress the enemy on land. By suppressing other countries, they protect their own dominant position in the ocean. The U.S. Navy attaches great importance to the development and production of the “littoral combat ship.” Its purpose is to fight a battle where the enemy is pushed to the shore. At present, the United States holds this kind of containment mentality with regard to China and Russia.

Naval expert Li Jie said the American “Pacific Rim military exercise’s” special backdrop is the “return to the Asia-Pacific.” He specifically said that the Asia-Pacific refers to the Western Pacific or East Asian region. In order to be in line with this strategy, it is necessary to see that the United States has long been preparing to increase its military deployment in the Pacific region. At the present, the number of U.S. nuclear submarines in the region is close to 60 percent.

Where the U.S.’ plans to strengthen its naval forces in the Pacific are concerned, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines and other countries are welcoming it one after another. Australian Defense Minister Smith said that the U.S. presence in the Asia-Pacific region has been “a force for peace and stability and prosperity since the end of World War II.”

Li Jie thinks that the U.S. is able to mobilize allies. First, the reality is that there is a need for military collaboration. The United States hopes that these allies will be able to adapt to future U.S. naval warfare concepts, systems and communication needs. Once a war begins, these allies can bring about coordinated operations with the U.S. as soon as possible. Second, in the case of the downsizing U.S. military, the U.S. has no more money to expand. The only thing to do is to mobilize its allies. In addition, through the exercise, it also allows the allies to see the gap between the U.S.’ military equipment and their own. It could also stimulate allies to buy large quantities of U.S. weapons.

Naval Forces Are Changing Direction to the “Second Island Chain” to Seek Security

In order to ensure the U.S.’ maritime strength in the Asia-Pacific, the U.S. relies on a large number of naval bases. There are a group of bases along China’s borders in Northeast Asia. They are the U.S.’ most important forward bases in the Asia-Pacific region.

Data shows that the U.S.’ permanent mission in the Northeast Asian region is to have more than 30 ports that it can use in a time of war that can accommodate various types of ships — or over 1,300 ships — with a displacement of about 9.3 million tons. Included among them are the Yokosuka base in Japan, the Sasebo base in the Nagasaki Prefecture and the Atsugi Naval Air Station. In addition, there are two U.S. Marine bases in Japan — the Iwakuni base and Okinawa base groups. Yokosuka is the U.S. Navy’s largest base in the Western Pacific. The U.S. Navy’s 7th Fleet Command is also stationed there. In addition, U.S. naval bases in South Korea include the Chinhae Naval Base and White Beach Naval Base.*

The large-scale Northeast Asian base group can be directed towards the Korean Strait, the Taiwan Strait or other important strategic and vital maritime defense areas to form and control high points. This base group can also be directed toward China, Russia, North Korea and other countries in the Far East to form a situation that is squeezed and kept under control. In the event of a maritime war, the United States’ Northeast Asian naval base group, along with the Guam base group in the second island chain, the third island chain’s Hawaiian base group and even the continental United States’ west coast naval bases can echo each other from afar and mutually cooperate.

Li Jie stated that within the Northeast Asia base group, the United States has more military might in Japan. The number of personnel and the scale of forces account for two-thirds of the forces in the Northeast Asian region. The United States establishes the places of the bases, and all are very crucial lifelines. Therefore, it can be said that these naval bases are occupied. The Northeast Asian region’s sea lanes are basically under the United States’ management and control. By controlling these “fortresses” in Northeast Asia, the U.S. can not only control China, but can also put pressure on Russia. This kind of strategic superiority can also allow the United States to seize the initiative in the North Korean nuclear issue and the Taiwan Strait issue.

However, with regard to the Northeast Asian naval might, the U.S. shows signs of an adjustment. It has long been the news that it is planned that 8,000 Okinawa Marines stationed on the first island chain will be transferred to Guam on the second island chain.

Analysts said this deployment will weaken Okinawa’s “forward position” in the entire Northeast Asian base group. However, Guo declared that because China and Russia have strengthened their control in the Western Pacific, the United States’ naval forces are being transferred from the first island chain to the second island chain. They shift the focus to the Guam base. U.S. military forces in Okinawa will be withdrawn to Guam. Or, one could say that they will be “diverted.” This is because Okinawa is within the range of China. U.S. military forces retreat to Guam and are just out of range. Therefore, they strengthen their military might and equipment by deploying to the second island chain. This is more in line with the interests of the United States.

Acting as a modern navy is an indispensable weapon — and it is important to have the most modern naval warfare ships. There will be a greater number of aircraft carriers gathered in the Asia-Pacific. At present, the United States military has a total of 11 aircraft carriers; six aircraft carriers are gathered in the Asia-Pacific. Panetta said that by 2020, the number of U.S. military deployments in the Pacific will include six aircraft carriers, cruisers, destroyers, coastal combat ships and submarines that account for more than half of the U.S. Navy’s total.

Li Jie said that the U.S. says that it actually has six carriers in the Asia-Pacific region. Washington State has three. There are two in the port of San Diego, California. Yokosuka, Japan has one aircraft carrier. Panetta’s meaning is that once there are special circumstances, the U.S.’ west coast indigenous aircraft carriers will be moved to the Asia-Pacific forefront. This will allow for the formation of a naval blockade and brief control of the situation. Currently, at the Asia-Pacific frontier, Yokosuka, Japan has an aircraft carrier. In view of the strategic direction of the U.S.’ return to the Asia-Pacific, the U.S. will still have one aircraft carrier deployed to Guam. This will be equal to them deploying a total of two aircraft carriers at the forefront of the first island chain and the second island chain.

In Fact, the Spin on Freedom of Navigation Is Controlling the Choke Points

“Control of strategic points, the guardian of the vital sea defense areas” — this is an important criterion for the selection of U.S. overseas bases. It is also an important objective of the U.S.’ extended sea power. It goes without saying that Southeast Asia has an important geographical position, and the U.S. would like to achieve control of the region.

In Southeast Asia, both strategic arteries of the Pacific and Indian Ocean, the Straits of Malacca and Makassar, are connected. Also, there is the Sunda Strait, serving the communication between the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean. Mastery and control of these arteries not only consolidate the strength of the United States in the Western Pacific, but also expands U.S. interests in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf.

“These straits are important communication strategic points. The United States already controls this position. The so-called marine blockade is the refusal to cooperate with some countries on land. At any time, all trade routes and resource routes can be blockaded,” declared Guo.

In response to these important strategic passageways near the sea, the U.S.’ side often spins that its freedom of navigation is threatened by China. The opinion of Li Jie is that the phenomenon of freedom of navigation being hindered does not exist. The U.S. talks about “the free navigation of the sea lanes.” Southeast Asia and the South China Sea are firmly under control. In fact, the U.S. wants all of these important passageways stopped. Once the U.S. controls the sea lanes and energy lifelines, it will actually control the lifeline of China’s sustainable economic development.

But the construction of the U.S.’ navy base groups in Southeast Asia is far smaller than in East Asia. Previously, the U.S.’ Subic Bay Naval Base and Clark Air Base in the Philippines turned into the most important part of its base group in Southeast Asia. But in 1992, the U.S. returned the Subic Bay naval base to the Philippines. The U.S. lost an important stronghold in the “island chain.”

“The United States supports the provocative activities of the Philippines in the South China Sea. This allows the Philippines to curb or consume China’s power. It also allows the U.S. to renew its presence in the Philippines in the future. The presence of the Clark and Subic bases provides for a foreshadowing of public opinion,” said Li Jie.

However in March 2001, the U.S. built a naval base at Changi, Singapore. This temporarily made up for a strategic gap with the loss of the Subic and Clark bases. The original functions of the Subic Bay base are already shared by the Changi and Guam bases.

According to the agreement signed by Singapore and the United States, the Changi Naval Base is for the U.S.’ 7th Fleet and the other passing ships, including aircraft carriers and other large vessels, and provides logistical and maintenance services. Because the Changi base is far inferior to the base of Subic Bay, its function is to provide maintenance, rest and supplementary fuel. It restricts the U.S. Navy’s ability to defend its interest in the region.

At present, the United States is actively in consultation with other Southeast Asian countries. The U.S. strives to make it so that its naval vessels can enter the ports of these countries for supplies and maintenance. In the eyes of the United States, Vietnam’s Cam Ranh Bay is a good naval port worth competing for. U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Panetta arrived in the naval port in Cam Ranh Bay on June 3. This follows U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s visit to Vietnam in 2010. Both are visits by heavyweight U.S. officials. Although, while Panetta was in Vietnam, there was no mention of matters regarding the lease or use of Cam Ranh Bay, most analysts believe that the U.S. will not give up its ambitions there.

* Editor’s Note: White Beach Naval Base is located in Okinawa, Japan, not South Korea.