The United States and the Second Republic

On July 14, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton arrived in Cairo for her second visit to Cairo since the Jan. 25 Revolution. The first took place in the middle of March of last year, less than eight weeks after the revolution had flared up. At that time, Clinton was careful to visit Tahrir Square in order to announce, overflowing with joy, that she was incapable of describing her feelings at being present “to see where this revolution happened and all that it has meant to the world.”

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Of course, this American attitude that blessed the revolution was not the same as its attitude the day after the revolution broke out. We may recall that the secretary of State herself announced on Jan. 25 that “our assessment is that the Egyptian government is stable.”

The revolutionaries did not set great store by what the U.S. Secretary said that day; they continued with their triumphant march until Mubarak was forced to resign on Feb. 11. One day later, President Obama went forth to announce that “the Egyptian people have spoken… and Egypt will never be the same,” emphasizing that “there are very few moments in our lives where we have the privilege to witness history taking place.” Then Obama repeated the slogan to which the revolutionaries held fast at that time: “Selmiyya, selmiyya — we are peaceful.” He pronounced it in Arabic, so that everyone’s source of inspiration to be maintained.

On May 19, 2011, after Clinton’s first visit to Egypt, President Obama announced a package of economic aid to Egypt consisting of several billion dollars. This aimed to encourage investment, provide loan guarantees and establish an investment fund, thereby exchanging debts and channeling them toward projects for development.

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I maintain that on the morning of Secretary Clinton’s second visit, matters in Egypt now are no longer what they were last year. Then, the entire Egyptian people were basking in the ecstasy of their revolution’s victory, brimming with hope and chock-full of optimism. There were differences of opinion, but the debate was revolving in a civilized manner, desirous of the public good and holding fast to fundamentals and rules. Even when differences broke out between supporters and opponents of the constitutional articles that were put to a referendum a few days after the Secretary of State’s visit, everyone readily accepted the results of the referendum. The democratic wedding took a step forward surrounded by the scrutiny of the crowds, irrespective of their political inclinations.

The situation now, sadly, is completely different. Tahrir Square is no longer the same one that we created in the early months of the revolution. This is not just because of the chaos that surrounds it on all sides, but also because of the battling cries and deafening calls, gleaned by some satellite channels that do not want the best for Egypt, but want only to light fires here and there. Was it aware that someone would attack our lofty judiciary and court rulings, or slaughter the foundations on which the state rests? I used to wish that I would not witness a day in my lifetime in which some people would openly violate the law. I am delighted that, at the very beginning, someone did not hesitate to announce to them that what they called for was a clear error and a serious crime under national law.

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The problem of the civil meeting that took place between the two countries at the end of December last year was not what most observers of the Secretary of State’s initial visit worried; rather, they considered three fundamental problems that were obstructing the path of Egyptian-American relations in the next phase. The first of those problems relates to the democratic crisis in Egypt, where the two powers wrestling on stage were the Armed Forces and the Muslim Brotherhood; in the view of the observers, it was not possible to declare either as the democratic victor. The United States, therefore, finds itself in an unenviable position, careful to maintain cordial relations with both sides at the same side. The second problem relates to Israel, as the role of Egyptian popular will leans increasingly in the direction of establishing relations with Israel. Whenever anti-Israeli slogans increase on the streets in Egypt, the support it has won within the American congress is eaten away, as America is known for its considerable sympathy for Israel. The third problem relates to the arrogance of anti-American slogans in Egypt, as they indicate the latest opinions. Such being the case, it will be difficult to guarantee that American officials will continue to be concerned with offering aid to a state so openly hostile to America.

It is now clear that some predictions of these analysts have been immediately realized, as the Secretary of State’s recent visit to Egypt was met with protests and demonstrations and was boycotted by Coptic leaders. These manifestations came against a background of strong American cooperation with the former regime and what some now perceive as an American bias toward Islamism at the expense of other societal forces — and therefore, opposition to American interference in internal Egyptian affairs.

I was not totally certain of the veracity of all the accusations that were used as the pretext for attacking the Secretary of State’s visit, especially the declaration that America is biased toward Islamism. It does not have previous experience in dealing with this current (at least as regards to Egypt), and accordingly, America’s experience is limited to the utmost and is incapable of relying on it entirely.

In any event, the Secretary of State was careful to direct several messages to officials and Egyptian public opinion, such as:

• The Egyptian people are the only ones capable of reaching a solution for all of the issues thrown into the area, including the necessity that all facets of society be represented in parliament and that the constitution protects the rights of all Egyptians, including minorities and women.

• The United States has no intention of interfering in internal Egyptian affairs.

• The United States supports the democratic transformation process in Egypt and the return of the army to carrying out its primary role of protecting national security without any other functions.

• The United States will offer a package of economic aid to Egypt in the near future in accordance with President Obama’s previous announcements on this subject.

• The Secretary of State was acquainted with the extremely positive attitudes from the Egyptian president with regard to respecting his peace pledge and being careful that Egypt should continue to be a cornerstone of the edifice of peace and regional security.

• With regard to the situation in the Sinai, although it is primarily Egypt’s purview, the United States is nevertheless prepared to offer all manner of assistance in this matter, whether this is in terms of resources, equipment or technical capabilities.

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As a consequence, the Egyptian side became acquainted with American stances on different issues during the Secretary of State’s visit, just as the American side listened to the Egyptian point of view, whether on the official or popular level. Therefore, the visit, despite everything it provoked, provided an opportunity for both sides to acknowledge their closeness to each other — Egypt as it travels the path of its Second Republic and the United States as, according to most assessments, it stands on the brink of Obama’s second term of office.