According to the latest American polls issued by the Pew Institute last September, Jewish Americans represent only about 2 percent of registered voters. 66 percent of them are Democrats or support the Democratic Party, while 28 percent are either Republicans or supporters of the Republican Party.
It is through this consistently proven truth that the influence of the Israeli-Zionist lobby in decision-making circles like the institution of the presidency, the House of Representatives and the Senate can be explained. This lobby inundates the candidates of the two parties with political money. They send money to both parties, although the Republican Party is less favored among American Jewish voters.
According to the Center for Responsive Politics, which is charged with observing donations to electoral campaigns in the United States, the size of contributions to the two American political parties from organizations that support Israel grew from approximately $8 million in 1990 to more than $9.6 million this year (this includes organizations like J Street, which support a two-state solution, unlike the Likud Party). It is known that the peak of this period was in 2008, when the size of these organizations’ contributions exceeded $14 million. At the same time, the contributions of these organizations fell in the rankings of “industries/entities” that contribute to the American electoral campaigns, moving from 12th place in 1990 to 51st place in 2012. These organizations occupy the 42nd place for the entire period spanning from 1990-2012.
Here it appears a noteworthy to pause and mention the increased participation of American organizations that support Israel, especially those that are biased toward the Likud party, over the past few years, despite a decline in financial contributions from these organizations to electoral campaigns — either as an absolute quantity or as compared to the contributions of other entities/sectors. This contradiction, which has not been completely resolved, has led to research on all of the potential factors, such as political money, which explain this increasing influence.
This is probably the most logical reason cited rom the Arab position (and also the Palestinian one) concerning the conflict with Israel and America’s role in it. The power of the Israeli-Zionist lobby is derived almost completely, or to a great extent, from the Arab states’ general submission to the United States as the lone influencer in the Arab-Israeli conflict (or the Palestinian-Israeli, according to the malignant expression commonly used today) and acknowledgement of the fact that it is capable of achieving a breakthrough that will lead to the settlement of a two-state solution. Moreover, there is no way to counter the influence of the Israeli-Zionist lobby in America without getting rid of American obedience to Israel and stripping away the mask of America’s alleged effectiveness. Furthermore, there must be a frank admittance of what is known to all, which is that America is able to do one thing more than anything else: to manage the conflict on behalf of Israel.
Yet it does not appear that there is a world power willing and able to balance the American role in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Likewise, the Arabs do not appear able to rectify the biased American role despite its threat, whether direct or concealed, to their security and stability on a national and systematic level. Is the solution for the Palestinians to take the thorns out of their hands as they did in 1987 when they committed their first insurrection that enabled them to gain the title, for the first time since 1948, on the part of America and Israel, of people of the land?
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