The West Bears Primary Responsibility for Preventing a 'New Cold War'

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 25 March 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kartoa Chow. Edited by Tess Chadwick.
The two-day Nuclear Security Summit began yesterday in The Hague, the Netherlands. The Crimea situation largely takes the world’s focus away from the nuclear issues, with this summit being viewed as an opportunity for Obama to strategize on isolating Russia.

The idea of an imminent “new Cold War” continues to reverberate throughout worldwide media. Putin simply did not attend the summit, but instead dispatched his foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov. While Obama is intensifying the sanctions against Russia, Putin reciprocates with a list of countermeasures against the U.S. and the West.

The air in Europe is yet again thick with the smell of a cold war. The tension between the West and Russia slips back in time to the 20th century, when the friction between the superpowers reached its extreme. What exactly is behind this tension?

The worst case scenario will not be an exact re-enactment of the protracted Cold War conflict between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The reason is obvious: Russia is not equipped with the power that the USSR had, nor does it have a group of satellite states with whom to oppose the West. Crimea is not a reflection of Russia’s intent to launch a global offensive, but rather a sign that the insurmountable oppression that the Russians have endured from the West for the past 20 years is erupting all at once.

Western leaders seem to have misinterpreted Putin’s resilient military tactics, causing the public in the U.S. and Europe to develop fear and anger toward “Emperor Putin.” As a result, the public demands Obama and others to impose severe punishments on Putin. The new Cold War seems to appear on the horizon.

Even in the best case scenario, the circumstances in Crimea have created a complete schism between Russia and the West. Both Russia and the West acknowledge their mutual antagonism, and as long as Putin remains in power, the most optimistic relationship between the two would be one of tolerance and peaceful coexistence.

Obama has not yet recognized that his predecessor took the road of eastward expansion too far and that he will need to find closure on this issue before the end of his term. If he has the foresight, Obama should not continue the mistakes that the West is making, unintentionally becoming the “last straw” of the opposition against Russia. He cannot stifle Putin, but he can transfer the turmoil back to Europe.

If Obama wants the glory of victory during the new Cold War era, the U.S. must develop a new global strategy around the containment of Russia. It is not an easy decision to make for the U.S.; imposing “comprehensive sanctions” on Russia would most likely not be carried out fully. The action would be futile while consuming resources much needed to tackle other more pressing world issues.

The West must “speak softly and carry a big stick” while facing Russia’s retaliation, ultimately aiming for a chance for negotiation. The U.S. and Russia need to have a serious dialogue to re-establish a game plan that is mutually beneficial. Because Russia does not have the power to subvert Europe’s order, and the U.S. is not able or even willing to fight a new Cold War with Russia, a compromise would be the least costly option for both sides.

Europe is situated at a crossroads. Putin’s next step is crucial, but what the West does is even more important. The West holds the key to the crisis in Ukraine. Whether Obama, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, is equipped with the political astuteness to ensure that the measures taken by the U.S. are working toward world peace will determine the next stage of the race between the superpowers.

If the rivalry between the U.S. and Russia spins out of control, China will face a future of increasing uncertainty. This will challenge China’s endurance and become a detriment to our country.

Russia combating the color revolution is what China is willing to accept. The mutual mistrust between the Russians and the West puts emphasis on Russia’s relationship with China, with China becoming an inadvertent beneficiary in this situation. But if their mistrust turns into a relentless battle, an “imitation” of the Cold War would ensue in Europe, and the circumstances would then change. China is not a small country that relies on big nations to survive. China’s rise has tremendous global significance, and with China’s developing strategy involving Europe as its “neighbor,” it needs Europe to have basic stability.

Western leaders need to maintain their composure and cannot behave like a group of politicians losing their temper as they please and responding to public anger with a mere “no compromise.” They have to understand that however aggressively the West behaves, Russia will behave even more so, eventually escalating to the so-called “new Cold War.” Although Russia is, in the eye of the West, “an aggressor,” the West still holds the most power in the international political arena, therefore bearing primary responsibility to maintain world peace and stability.


避免“新冷战”,西方须负第一责任

  世界核安全峰会昨天和今天在荷兰海牙举行。克里米亚事态很大程度上分散了世人对核问题的关注,本次核峰会被视为奥巴马构筑阵营孤立俄罗斯的一个机会。

  关于“新冷战”正在到来的说法不断在世界媒体中响起。普京干脆未去海牙,而是派去了他的外长拉夫罗夫。当奥巴马加紧组织对俄制裁的时候,普京也在一项项推出对华盛顿和西方的反制。

欧洲上空的确重新飘出冷战的气味,西方同俄罗斯的对抗滑出上世纪九十年代以来大国摩擦的极限。极限背后都是些什么呢?

  它的最坏情况不会是美苏旷日持久冷战的翻版。原因是明摆着的:俄不具备当年苏联的国力,也没有一个阵营围绕着它一起对抗西方。克里米亚不是莫斯科发动全球攻势的信号,它更像是俄罗斯人对西方这二十年长期挤压忍无可忍的一次爆发。

  西方领导人似乎错判了普京带领俄罗斯战略反弹的性质,从而导致了眼下美欧舆论面对“普京大帝”的慌乱和发狠。舆论又反过来推动奥巴马等人强硬对抗普京,“新冷战”看上去一触即发。

  然而在最缓和的情况下,克里米亚事件也宣告了俄罗斯同西方的彻底分道扬镳。俄与西方相互确认了深刻的敌意,只要普京领导俄罗斯,俄与西方的最好关系就是彼此容忍,和平相处。

  奥巴马尚未认识到,他的前任在东扩问题上走得太远,他的任期需要为此埋单。他如果有高瞻远瞩的能力,就不应继续西方的错误,稀里糊涂让自己充当压倒俄罗斯的“最后一根稻草”。他压不垮普京,但能把混乱的时代带回欧洲。

  如果奥巴马想要当年冷战胜利的辉煌,美国的全球战略就需围绕遏制俄罗斯重新布局。华盛顿很难下这样的决心,其如果对俄罗斯真的发动“全面制裁”,也多半会是烂尾楼式的半拉子工程。这个工程没用,但将耗掉解决世界更紧迫问题的大量资源。

  西方这次对俄罗斯的反击有必要“高举轻放”,最终与俄互给台阶。美俄需要认真对话,在双方利益交叉的地区重构游戏规则。由于俄罗斯没有力量颠覆欧洲的秩序,美国做不到也未必愿意集中精力与俄打“新冷战”,妥协将是对双方都代价最小的选择。

  欧洲处在一个十字路口,普京下一步怎么做很重要,但西方怎么做更重要。西方是乌克兰危局的真正系铃人,奥巴马这位诺贝尔和平奖获得者能否更具政治上的悟性,搞清楚美国做事有分寸对于世界和平的关键意义,将决定接下来一个阶段大国博弈的面貌。

  如果美俄对抗失控,中国面临的不确定性将极大增加,这将挑战中国的承受力,因而不符合我们的利益。

  俄罗斯打击了颜色革命,这是中国愿意看到的。莫斯科与西方互不信任,因而更看重同北京的关系,这也是对中国客观上的利好。但如果俄与西方一招一式地斗狠,欧洲搞出冷战的“模仿秀”,事情的性质就发生转变。中国不是靠从大国对抗渔利就能生存的小国,中国崛起具有全球范围的顶级意义,欧洲已属中国战略上的“大周边”,中国需要欧洲的基本稳定。

  西方领导人需要一点冷静和沉着,他们不能像议员一样随意发泄情绪,用表演“不妥协”来迎合舆论的躁动。他们要清楚,西方多激烈,莫斯科就会更激烈,从而使阶段性对抗固化成所谓“新冷战”。尽管莫斯科是西方眼里的“挑衅者”,但西方拥有国际政治舞台的最大权力,它们因此负有世界和平与稳定的第一责任。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Nigeria: The Global Fallout of Trump’s Travel Bans

Austria: Trump, the Bulldozer of NATO

     

Colombia: The Horsemen of the New Cold War

Spain: A NATO Tailor-Made for Trump

OPD 26th June 2025, edited by Michelle Bisson Proofer: See...

Topics

Australia: Donald Trump Is Not the Only Moving Part When It Comes to Global Trade

Ireland: As Genocide Proceeds, Netanyahu Is Yet Again Being Feted in Washington

Canada: Canada’s Retaliatory Tariffs Hurt Canadians

Spain: A NATO Tailor-Made for Trump

OPD 26th June 2025, edited by Michelle Bisson Proofer: See...

Germany: Trump’s Words and Putin’s Calculus

Palestine: Ceasefire Not Peace: How Netanyahu and AIPAC Outsourced Israel’s War To Trump

Mauritius: The US-Israel-Iran Triangle: from Obliteration to Mediation

Related Articles

Indonesia: US-China: Tariff, Tension, and Truce

China: US Chip Restrictions Backfiring

Thailand: US-China Trade Truce Didn’t Solve Rare Earths Riddle

Taiwan: Taiwan Issue Will Be Harder To Bypass during Future US-China Negotiations

Hong Kong: Amid US Democracy’s Moral Unraveling, Hong Kong’s Role in the Soft Power Struggle