Sino-US Relations Are at a Crossroads

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 10 September 2014
by Zhai Yafei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joe Matthews. Edited by Katie Marinello.
U.S. National Security Advisor Susan Rice visited China from August 7 to 9, without any negative or embarrassing developments. Rice emphasized the U.S. prioritizing Sino-U.S. relations, saying that Obama's November visit to Beijing will be a milestone event. This kind of positive phrasing has attracted both Western and Chinese media attention.

Recently, in the South China Sea, an American and a Chinese aircraft came "unusually close" to colliding; Rice's visit has tried to help cool the air between the U.S. and China, hoping to quell the tension on both sides' medias.

Rice’s visit is giving optimists of the U.S.-China relationship more hope. When we consider Sino-U.S. relations, it seems that, in a certain sense, the so-called “New Great Power Relationship” already exists. The two sides have avoided the worst situation and the next-to-worst outcome (direct military conflict or a cold ward-type situation), at the same time engaging in “mutual strategic prevention” (AUTHOR). The two nations have built an unheralded mutually beneficial “status quo” and “rising power” relationship.

If you look at this relationship from a historical perspective, the two countries have already built a “strange” great power relationship. They have many reasons to both guard against one another, but also many reason to increase cooperation. The two sides continue to guess what the other’s strategic intentions are, all the while being pushed forward by advantageous cooperation toward a much closer partnership.

This relationship is standing at a crossroads, with hedging and cooperation leading in opposite directions. Will the relationship head toward the old zero-sum political struggle, or will it head toward a path of cooperation and mutual benefit? Both paths are possible.

The difficulties in Sino-U.S. relations lie in the two sides’ fundamental mistrust in the other’s strategic ambitions, as the two sides’ cooperation at this point is just superficial and targeted. Many people worry, even as the areas of cooperation spread, it still won’t be able to eliminate the rivalry and struggles that are created by strategic competition.

We need to acknowledge that in the history of human civilization there hasn’t been a relationship like this before, where two great countries with these greatly differing traditions and political systems have coexisted peacefully. So, we should still be a bit skeptical of the long-term probability of the two sides being able to resolve their differences. The foundation of U.S. and Chinese mutual strategic trust must be built on a sincere and honest effort to work toward it. One difference between this relationship and that of past great powers will be the efforts of the two societies of each country toward working bringing the two sides together.

For example, recently America has continued to fly planes near China for military reconnaissance and is committed to “pivoting toward Asia;” clearly against China. For all its imagination, China cannot find a reason to believe or understand American “good intentions.” On the other hand, China is hastening the development of its military strength, expanding the range of its naval and air forces over the Pacific. America cannot believe that these measures aren’t intended to push the U.S. out of Asia.

The U.S. and China need to search for a way to manage the difference in strategic goals and mistrust. To do so, they must find some urgent reason; as the two sides will find more and more friction in specific areas. Only by finding a way to settle differences can the mistrust be mitigated, and a substantive change in the nature of the relationship be had.

This concept of “New Great Power Relations” is a good idea and foundation, but it needs decades of cultivation and protection to grow. For this, the two sides’ leadership is critical — they won’t be able to simply make compromises and handle disputes like sharing bread, but they can use their influences to help handle differences when they occur. For example, in times of certain crisis, they can play a decisive role in stabilizing affairs.

The structure of the Western Pacific is changing; China’s ability to defend itself is growing. This invites serious introspection by both sides in Sino-U.S. relations. We can’t let hysterical ideas influence the future development of the relationship, we need to maintain fundamentally optimistic. This world is becoming more and more civilized; from normal war to cold war, and from cold war to the guarded cooperation of the Sino-U.S. Great Power Relationship. Despite complications occurring, such as the events in Ukraine, the main path for human society has already become clear.


美国总统国家安全事务助理苏珊•赖斯7日至9日访问中国,到昨晚为止,这次访问没有传出让中美关系难堪的负面信息,赖斯强调美国“优先考虑”中美关系,并称奥巴马将11月对北京的访问视为中美关系的“里程碑”,这些积极字眼引导了西方和中国媒体的注意力。

一段时间以来中美发生了两国军机在南海“异常接近”等摩擦,赖斯这次访问带给中美关系另一种气氛,大大稀释了飘散在媒体中的中美关系的紧张感。

赖斯的访问再次激活了乐观看中美关系的那些理由。我们回顾中美关系时会发现,从一定意义上说,中美“新型大国关系”实际上已经存在。两大国关系 避免了最坏情况和相当坏的情况(直接军事冲突或者冷战),在相互战略防范的同时,两国建立了所谓“守成大国”和“崛起大国”前所未有的“准利益共同体”。

仅从历史经验看,中美之间目前形成了“比较奇怪”的大国关系,两国互相防范和加强合作的理由都很强大,两国在持续猜测对方某些战略恶意的同时,又被合作的现实好处推动着,忍不住走向各领域更密切的接触与合作.

这是一种站在十字路口的大国关系,防范与合作的动力南辕北辙,围绕中美关系的走向进行拔河。中美两国回到大国零和政治的老路,还是使合作共赢的思维方式占据压倒性优势,应当说都有可能。

中美关系的困境在于,两国互疑是战略上的、根本性的,两国合作的动力是现实层面的、具体的。很多人担心,两国的具体合作再多,也消化不了彼此战略竞争所制造的潜在敌意,两国好不容易积累的友好认识随时可能因为一次偶然的敌意释放而归零。

我们需承认,人类社会没有中美这样有竞争关系且各自传统与政治制度差异如此显著的大国和平相处的经验,因此对中美有能力长期理性处理彼 此的分歧缺乏信心。中美战略互信的建立离不开相互掏心窝子的表白,但光靠这些表白远远不够。信心将更多来自于两国社会对中美关系确实有别于以往大国政治的 慢慢揣摩和小心拿捏。

就今天来说,美国不断搞抵近中国领土的军事侦察,它还在中国周边搞明显针对中国的“亚太再平衡”,这让中国即使调动全部想象力也无法理 解美国的“善意”。反过来说,中国加快发展军力,在西太平洋扩大海空军活动范围,美国也很难相信中国的这些举动不是为了最终将美国的力量“逐出亚洲”。

中美需要摸索管理彼此战略互疑的规则,为此双方首先要有这样做的强烈意愿。两国的具体摩擦有可能越来越多,只有两国把彼此的互疑程度控制住,那些层出不穷的摩擦才不会被这些互疑放大,发生性质上的突变。

中美新型大国关系有了算得上不错的基础,但它恐怕还需要几十年的培育和维护。这当中,中美两国领导人的作用将是关键性的,他们无法把理 想的中美关系像做面包一样端给两国和世界,但他们可以强有力影响两国处理彼此分歧的态度,并在中美出现具体危机时发挥稳定局势的决定性作用。

西太平洋的形势在变化,中国在这里的自我保护能力越来越强,这会在中美双方都引发一些深刻的思考。别让一些歇斯底里的推演影响两国对未来的展望,我们需要最基本的乐观:这个世界变得越来越文明。从热战到冷战,再从冷战到防范加合作的中美新型大国关系,尽管中间有乌克兰局势的曲折和复杂性,但人类社会究竟在向哪里走,大的轮廓已经呈现。▲
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