America Goes for Tax Increase While South Korea Goes for Tax Decrease

Published in Hankyoreh
(South Korea) on 26 February 2015
by Hyun Park (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jason Lee. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.

 

 

 

The U.S. is the very source of tax cut policies. President Ronald Reagan of the Republican Party, fascinated by supply-side economics, carried out large tax reductions. He was utterly charmed by the words of a few advisory staff who claimed that tax cuts would encourage the work force and investors, which would in turn stimulate economic growth followed by more tax revenues. But reality did not follow his expectations. Once the richest nation on earth, America’s financial foundation was shaken to its roots due to the large tax cuts in the late 1980s, stabilizing only after a tax increase in the 1990s by President Bill Clinton of the Democrat Party.

President George Bush of the Republican Party, who came into office in 2001, also implemented large tax cuts, claiming it was for economic growth. The size of this tax reduction grew to almost $1.7 trillion over a period of 10 years. The result was a massive budget deficit. President Barack Obama of the Democrat Party, who came into office in 2009, after hastily dousing the fires of the financial crisis, implemented a tax increase in 2013 to deal with the budget deficit problems.

Obama’s approach to tax increases is to raise income taxes for the top one percent of the income pyramid. This “rich tax” reflects the fact that the last 30 years of the winner-take-all economic model have turned middle/lower class life into a hardscrabble situation, with wealth concentrated among a very few, creating the social dichotomy of the one percent vs. the 99 percent. Obama also revealed that he plans to expand the range of this rich tax next year. His tax increase campaign also extends to corporations. He intends to push measures that will allow for increased taxes on American corporations, even on their reserved incomes made on foreign soil.

Originally, Republican administrations, focusing on social stability, tended to implement policies that would strengthen financial soundness. In contrast, Democratic administrations have tended to increase budget spending in favor of welfare. After the 1980s, however, America’s situation reversed. Now the picture shows a Democratic administration struggling to salvage an economy squandered by previous Republican governments.

During the period of the Cham-yuh administration in Korea,* the government focused on securing funding for social welfare programs via legalizing the underground economy, such as omitting income from self-employed businesses, diminishing non-taxable incomes and restructuring annual expenditures. And as if this were not enough, additional means of securing funding were left up to the people; in other words, the next tax increase was for the next administration to deal with, not Cham-yuh’s. Nevertheless, it did its best to secure further financing by various means such as increasing credit card/cash receipt usage.**

However, Lee Myung-bak’s administration which followed implemented tax cuts on the richest, approximately $18 billion annually. Just like that, the money saved up during the Cham-yuh administration went up in flames. The “tax cut on the richest” policy was intended to be permanent, and thus, the current administration continues to implement it. Even though the birthplace of the tax cut, America, now recognizes the damage it does and has introduced a new series of taxes on the rich, we in Korea still do nothing to fix the situation.

While watching the recent “welfare without a tax hike” debate, we are forced to ask ourselves what our politicians have done exactly over the past 10 years to secure welfare funding. Deputy Prime Minister Choi Kyung-hwan’s statement that, “the Cheongwade [Translator’s Note: the South Korean presidential residence] and the government’s official stance is to prioritize legalizing the underground economy and restructuring expenditure and if possible, we will carry out the tax increase in accordance with the national consensus” is exactly the same as 10 years ago. Perhaps we can take solace in the fact that the conservative administration is finally catching up with the headaches of the liberal administration 10 years ago and trying to rectify the situation. But based on their performance so far, it is more likely that they are just trying not to deal with it, passing the burden on to the next administration.

*Translator’s note: An alternative name for the Roh Moo-hyun administration, the ninth president of South Korea.

**Translator’s Note: This policy was implemented so the government could keep track of monetary movement, even in cash and credit form, so that taxes on it could be levied properly without being omitted.




[특파원 칼럼] 미국은 부자증세, 한국은 부자감세 / 박현
OPD: Feb 26 2015
미국은 감세정책의 ‘원조’ 국가다. 공화당의 로널드 레이건 대통령은 1980년대 초반 이른바 ‘공급주의 경제학’에 매료돼 대규모 감세를 단행했다. 감세를 하면 근로·투자 의욕이 고취돼 경제성장을 촉진하고 이것이 세수 확대로 이어진다는 일부 보좌진의 설득에 넘어간 것이다. 그러나 현실에선 결과가 달랐다. 세계 최대 부국이라는 미국도 1980년대 말에 대규모 감세 여파로 재정이 흔들렸다. 민주당의 빌 클린턴 대통령이 1990년대 증세를 하면서 재정을 안정시켰다.

2001년 집권한 공화당의 조지 부시 대통령도 경제를 살린다는 명분으로 대규모 감세를 했다. 그 규모가 10년간 1900조원에 이르렀다. 결과는 대규모 재정적자였다. 2009년 집권한 민주당의 버락 오바마 대통령은 경제위기의 급한 불을 끈 뒤인 2013년 재정적자 문제 해결을 위해 증세를 단행했다.

오바마가 취한 증세의 방식은 소득 상위 1%를 대상으로 한 소득세 인상이었다. 이런 부자증세는 30여년 동안 승자독식 경제모델을 추구한 결과 중산·서민층의 살림살이는 팍팍해진 반면 부가 소수에 집중된 ‘1% 대 99%’ 사회로 바뀐 점이 반영된 것이다. 오바마는 더 나아가 내년엔 부자증세의 범위를 더 확대하겠다는 방침을 밝혔다. 그의 증세 캠페인은 기업으로도 확대되고 있다. 그는 미국 기업들이 외국에서 올리는 이익을 외국에 유보해놓아도 세금을 물리는 방안을 추진하기로 했다.

원래 보수정권은 안정을 중시해 재정건전성을 강화하는 정책을 펴는 반면에, 진보정권은 복지를 위해 재정지출을 확대하는 게 일반적이었다. 그러나 1980년대 이후 미국의 상황은 정반대가 됐다. 보수정권이 탕진한 재정을 진보정권이 수습하느라 진땀을 빼는 형국이다.

당시 참여정부는 자영업자 소득탈루 등 지하경제 양성화와 비과세·감면 축소, 세출 구조조정 등을 통해 최대한 복지재원 확보에 나서고, 이것으로도 모자랄 경우 재원 마련 방안은 국민적 논의에 맡기겠다고 밝혔다. 증세 논의는 다음 정부에서 하라는 것이었다. 그러면서도 신용카드·현금영수증 사용 확대 등을 통해 과세 기반을 넓혀 나름대로 재원을 확충했다.

그러나 정작 다음 정부인 이명박 정부에서는 대규모 부자감세(연간 약 20조원)를 단행했다. 참여정부 시절 모아놓은 재원마저 그렇게 바닥을 냈다. 이 부자감세는 항구적인 만큼 현 정부에서도 계속 시행하고 있다. ‘감세의 원조’ 미국에선 그 폐해를 깨닫고 부자증세로 방향을 틀었는데도 우리는 이를 그대로 놔두고 있는 것이다.

최근 ‘증세 없는 복지’ 논쟁을 보면서 과연 우리 정치권이 지난 10년 동안 복지재원 마련을 위해 뭘 했는지 다시 묻게 된다. “지하경제 양성화와 지출 구조조정을 먼저 하고, 만일 안 된다면 국민적 합의에 따라 (증세를) 한다는 게 청와대와 정부의 입장”이라는 최근 최경환 부총리의 말은 10년 전에 들었던 소리와 똑같다. 10년 전 진보정권에서 했던 고민을 보수정권이 하기 시작했다는 점에서 그나마 위안을 삼을 수도 있다. 그러나 지금까지 겪어본 바로는 문제를 차기 정부로 미루겠다는 소리로밖에 들리지 않는다.
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