Xi Jinping’s Mission to Resolve US-China Anxiety

Published in Want Daily
(Taiwan) on 25 September 2015
by I-Ching Lin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anthony Chantavy. Edited by Bora Mici.
Mainland China Chairman Xi Jinping's first state visit to the U.S. is already underway. At his first stop — Seattle — he quickly assembled a trade and economic exchange, led major entrepreneurs such as Pony Ma, Jack Ma and Yang Yuanqing, held a roundtable meeting with American business leaders, and met with the governor of Washington and the mayor of Seattle. He also attended the China-U.S. Governors Forum, toured companies like Boeing and Microsoft and ordered 300 aircraft from Boeing.

Compared to his visits in 2012 and 2013, this one is the most unpredictable, sensitive and complex. Right before Xi's visit, U.S. anxiety about China was growing nonstop. China watchman David Lampton even states that U.S.-China relations have reached a "tipping point." Lampton has evidence: since 2015, the American anti-China policy debate has clearly leaned toward restraint and resistance, and the American people's hatred of China has grown, too.

The South China Sea is not directly tied to the "tipping point," but Beijing think tanks have reached three different conclusions about the imbalanced U.S.-China relations:

- There have been no qualitative changes whatsoever in U.S.-China relations.
- Although there have been no qualitative changes, there may have been partial changes and signs of imbalance.
- The changes are not qualitative, only psychological.

Some Beijing think tanks are a little hesitant, but nobody would break the balance or place retaliative restrictions on the U.S. We can judge from the positive actions of officials that Xi Jinping hopes that U.S.-China relations can return from a dangerous imbalance to normal cooperation.

Just as Lampton said, Xi Jinping's visit to the U.S. is probably not at the best time, but it is the most important visit. Both Washington and Beijing know that now is not the best time for U.S.-China relations, and precisely because of this, Xi's visit has all the more meaning and value.

First of all, we must understand the driving forces behind U.S.-China relations. More than 30 years ago, China and the U.S. experienced friction and conflict, but their driving forces were contact and cooperation, which is why the countries were able to prosper together economically. Changes to America's anti-China strategy suggest these driving forces are very dangerous for both China and America. Ever since the Crimea issue, U.S.-Russia relations have become unbalanced, and Beijing and Moscow appear to be closer, which worries America. In the Asia-Pacific region, China has begun to promote the Asian Investment Bank and its "One Belt, One Road" strategy to pressure the U.S. into reverting to an Asia-Pacific strategy. This time, if the U.S. uses clear strategies to restrain China, Beijing is bound to retaliate, creating isolation and opposition. Washington should know that the result of its anti-China strategy is far more important than the strategy itself.

Another reason for Xi's visit is to reconcile strategic differences. China is in the middle of a deep transformation, and its decision-making is bound to change, too; but, the extent to which Washington is aware of these changes will directly influence the way in which it interacts with China. At this time, Beijing must take a positive stance and be ready to set a good example in the face of trends capable of further separating the two countries. We can see that the countries' understandings of each other are too meager for developing proper relations and also too low for the rate of China's economic and societal transition. Multi-staged strategies are very necessary to clear up strategic suspicions.

A very important reason for Xi's visit is to clearly explain to the U.S. China's real train of thought. Xi dedicated a large portion of his evening speech in Seattle to American concerns, listing seven major policy orientations. He stated that "China will never seek hegemony or engage in expansion,” and that he has reached an agreement with Obama on new major-country relations. The biggest takeaways of the speech were to properly judge each other's strategic procedures, manage discrimination and cultivate friendship.

Obama has reason to learn from the Yingtai Night Talk, a private party with Xi, which was also arranged to promote trust and understanding. Xi Jinping will open dialogue with U.S. think tanks and nongovernmental groups to introduce China's determination for reform and advocacy for cooperation. From what is known, Xi Jinping will also visit Muscatine, Iowa to participate in an array of people-oriented activities, which may bring up warm images of U.S.-China relations in the past.

Moreover, we must dig deep for economic energy. It has been more than 30 years since China's economic reform, and China and the U.S. have formed a relatively mature and interdependent industrial layout. The tightly secured economy would not allow political friction to push it backward. Chinese diplomat Wang Yi claims that in 2022, China and the U.S. hope to become each other's largest trade partners. The large economic and trade group accompanying Xi Jinping on his visit will engage in every kind of forum and dialogue with American business communities to deepen communication and create more opportunities for cooperation. Xi also agreed to increase U.S.-China economic cooperation and to call upon cooperation among every state, province and city in China and the U.S. The Bilateral Investment Treaty also has potential to be a breakthrough.

Hoping that one visit will lead the entire way from a "tipping point" to better relations is not too realistic. The long-term, stable development of relations between the two countries still requires political, economic and cultural energy. What is certain, however, is that since 1972, when U.S.-China relations were normalized, Chinese diplomats always could immediately detect and address conflict and friction. This "tipping point" can be thought of as a warning that it’s time to get back on track.

Following the stabilization of China's economic status and the development of Asia-Pacific pluralism, China and the U.S. will still encounter the danger of sliding back into the “tipping point” from time to time. Without proper control, the relationship just will not work. Maintaining cooperation with each other is extraordinarily important to both countries and to the world. Right now, China and the U.S. see the real game between them. They need to return to rational strategies, immediately change their methods of communication, and embrace positive negotiations in official and unofficial channels. Afterward, Beijing and Washington will each need to immediately address one another's concerns and develop a stable, concrete, mutually beneficial path. This will be quite a long process.


2015/09/25 | 旺報
大陸國家主席習近平對美國首次國是訪問行程已經展開,首站抵達 西雅圖,立即進行密集的經貿交流活動,帶領隨行的馬化騰、馬雲、 楊元慶等重要企業家,與美國企業界舉行圓桌討論,並會見華盛頓州 州長、西雅圖市長,也出席中美省州長論壇,並參訪波音、微軟等企 業,在波音公司下了300張大手筆飛機訂單。

對比2012、2013年兩次訪美,此際是中美關係最微妙、敏感而複雜 的一次。出訪前夕,美國對中國的焦慮感正不斷升高,美國知華派專 家蘭普頓甚至稱,中美關係已接近失衡的「臨界點」。蘭普頓此說有 一定的依據,自2015年以來,美國對華政策大辯論明顯傾向遏制和抗 衡,民間對中國的惡感也在上升。

中南海並未直接回應「臨界」說,北京智囊則對中美雙邊關係失衡 說有3種不同的判斷:一、中美關係並沒有質變;二、沒有質變但可 能有「部分質變」,失衡事件正在增多;三、中美關係沒有根本的改 變,只是在心態上有所改變。北京部分智囊雖然感到憂慮,但並沒有 任何聲音主張要打破平衡、轉向遏制美國。從官方的積極動作可以研 判,習近平希望中美關係從滑向失衡,重新回到合作正軌。

正如蘭普頓所說,習近平此時訪美「也許不是最佳時機,卻是至關 重要的時點」。不管華盛頓還是北京都了解,目前並非中美關係最好 的時期,正因為如此,習此次訪美深具要義和價值。

首先,要釐清中美關係的主流。過去30多年,中美時有摩擦矛盾, 但主流是接觸、合作,正因此,雙方才得以在經濟上相互依存與共同 繁榮。轉變對華戰略預示著上述主流格局的扭轉,對雙方來說都極其 危險。自克里米亞事件以來,美俄關係業已失衡,北京和莫斯科似乎 走得更近,這是華盛頓的焦慮。在亞太,中國開始推動亞投行、一帶 一路戰略,使得美國重返亞太戰略承受壓力,此時美若明確對華採取 遏制策略,勢必引發北京的反彈,加重孤立與對立。華盛頓應該認識 ,對華策略的後果,遠比策略本身重要。

其次,習此行訪美,意在國家策略上「糾正偏差」。中國正處於國 內外雙重深刻變革中,決策思維有所調整實為必然,但華盛頓對此瞭 解多少,將直接影響雙邊互動,此時北京必須展現積極姿態,對於可 能導致兩國關係偏離的趨勢,要及時導正。眼下,中美雙方的相互瞭 解程度落後於兩國關係發展的需要,也落後於中國經濟社會轉型的速 度,階段性的戰略「矯正」以消除戰略疑慮,很有必要。

習此行的重中之重,是向美國明確闡釋中國的現實和決策思維。他 在首站西雅圖的晚宴演說中以很大篇幅回應美方關切,表述中國未來 7大「政策取向」,稱「中國永遠不稱霸、不搞擴張」,並希望與歐 巴馬就「新型大國關係」達成共識,要點是:正確判斷彼此戰略意圖 、妥善管控分歧、培植人民友誼。

歐巴馬有意效仿「瀛台夜話」為習設私人宴會,同樣意在增進互信 瞭解。習近平還將與美國地方州區、智庫機構和民間團體展開對話互 動,介紹中國對內改革的決心及對外宣導「共建」的主張。據悉,習 近平還將到訪愛荷華州小鎮馬斯卡廷等諸多人文交流活動,相信會喚 起中美關係發展記憶中的溫暖畫面。

其三,要深化發掘中美經濟合作的能量,大陸改革開放超過30年, 中美業已形成了相對成熟的產業互補格局,深度捆綁的經濟往來不會 因政治摩擦而逆轉。大陸外交部長王毅透露,2022年中美兩國有望成 為彼此最大貿易夥伴。陪同習近平訪問的龐大經貿團,與美國企業界 將舉行各種論壇或溝通對話,深化彼此的交往,創造更多合作機會。 習也首肯了中美低碳經濟合作,並呼籲推動中美州省市間的合作,《 中美雙邊投資協定》(BIT)談判也有望取得進展。

希望一次出訪就能將中美關係從「臨界點」導正,並不切實際,兩 國關係的長期穩定發展還需要在政治、經濟、文化等多方面更務實發 力。可以肯定的是,自1972年中美關係走向正常化以來,雙方總能在 發生矛盾與摩擦之際,及時警覺並調整,「臨界點」說法當可視作一 種警示,提醒雙方是時候導入正軌了。

隨著中國經濟地位的穩固與亞太格局多元化,中美還將不時出現滑 向臨界點的危險,管控不力,就會走向消極,如何維持「合作為主」 的軌道,對彼此、對世界都格外重要。當下,中美正視現實博弈,更 需要回歸戰略理性,及時調整溝通方式,更重視在官方、非官方及多 邊管道的積極磋商。後續北京和華盛頓還要及時回應對方關切,以及 各自在務實互利道路上的穩定發展。這還需要較長的過程。
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