How Much World Leadership Power Does US Still Have?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 23 March 2016
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rachel Critelli. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Donald Trump spoke seriously about his foreign policy views on March 21, and in rapid fire succession brought up his visions about what has been branded by public opinion as American isolationism. He questions NATO’s importance to the United States and believes that it is unnecessary for the United States to maintain military muscle in Asia. He complains that European countries, Japan, Korea and American allies in the Middle East have unfairly benefited from military protection. The United States has paid much but hasn’t been fairly compensated, and has only been reimbursed for a small amount. His words again caused a great uproar.

The U.S. foreign policy expert Thomas Wright cried out in alarm that Trump’s suggestion “is no different from the liquidation of the order of the free world,” and says that it would “let the dreams of Russia and China come true.”*

The United States has always supported the social basis for isolationism — populism being the source of isolationism’s value. But since World War II, extreme isolationism in the United States has been marginalized and hasn’t had a super spokesperson like Trump in decades.

But Trump did not come out from under a rock. He is a product of the United States’ succession of problems and challenges. He continuously says that the United States is not the strongest or richest country and no longer holds its former position, and although he has exaggerated the problem, the changes in the world are real. The United States is still the strongest and the richest, but it is disdainful over the fact that its absolute worldwide superiority is rapidly diminishing. It is an uncontested fact that the U.S. is slowly becoming unable to hold onto its court of luxurious hegemony.

Trump has no scruples in discarding political correctness when he throws a pile of words like daggers onto the table, ready to stab anyone in the back and rendering U.S. allies, U.S. competitors and opponents — including the domestic U.S. elite — unable to make heads or tails of the situation. From the global perspective, the most recent dagger that he has stuck into the table is [the question of] whether or not the United States still has the power to be the world's leader.

First of all, “United States world leadership” is a proposition instilled in the world by the United States. If we take the average person’s notion of a leader, then the United States has indeed accomplished some positive things. For example, it has upheld peace for global maritime transportation and made contributions to nuclear nonproliferation; no new world wars have occurred after World War II — all things related to the United States' role as the world’s big brother.

But the United States is a leader that has seriously abused its power, has been extremely protectionist, and has had misunderstandings with the world and with itself time and time again. After the first Gulf War, the several other wars that United States leaders [entered] were supported by results that turned out to be correct; NATO, under the control of the United States, expanded east. Its pivot to Asia strategy has caused new international tension, but Washington, D.C. doesn’t have the power to guide the direction in which this tension will travel.

The United States is still the world’s greatest center for technological innovation and the world’s greatest consumer of world culture. It also continues to be the commanding point for Western political ideologies. Its hard power, especially military power, is in maintaining a position that cannot be challenged; its power to control finances and its Internet might all help to maintain its hegemony from different perspectives.

However, the most important thing is that the world is changing. Multi-polarization or even depolarization is becoming less and less merely theoretical prattle. Within society, the influence of traditional power has been challenged on different levels and there is an obvious dispersion of it. New power, including that of individuals, has played roles that were unthinkable before. Similar situations have come about on the world’s stage. The right of developing countries and mid-level countries to speak out seems to be rising, but it is difficult to obtain the same level of hegemony as the U.S. by making the equivalent financial investments that the United States has made in the past.

In this world, prices are rising everywhere; food and home renovation have all become expensive, making it more expensive for other countries to do what they're told by the U.S. After World War II, the United States was ostentatious in spending money on the Marshall Plan and taking on the revitalization of Western Europe. Now, the U.S. isn’t even willing to allocate money to rebuild Iraq. Moreover, it not only needs to deliver a completely new Iraq, but an all new Libya and Afghanistan. The only way the world will continue to “serve” the U.S. is for the U.S. to subsidize modernized life in the countries that obey the West, and create there a western style democracy.

Washington, D.C. has already counted its debts with its allies, and not only does it not want to allocate money for its pivot to Asia policy, but it is even pondering if it can make a profit off of Asian countries through the Trans-Pacific Partnership. In the South China Sea and the Korean Peninsula, it is basically inciting the people and fighting against them. How will this kind of leadership come together?

The United States wants to continue to lead the world, so it must understand the world objectively, repair its own moral conduct and profit from mutual benefit with other countries. If not, then I’d ask the American elite to have another debate with Trump.

*Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, this quotation could be independently verified.


社评:美国对世界的“领导力”还有几许

  唐纳德·特朗普21日正儿八经谈论他的外交理念,连珠炮般提出被舆论定性为“美国孤立主义”的构想。他质疑北约对美国的重要性,还认为美国在亚洲保持肌肉发达的军事存在没必要。他抱怨欧洲国家和日韩以及美国中东盟友占了军事保护的便宜,美国付出很多,没有得到公平的补偿,只报销了很小的一部分。他的话再次激起轩然大波。
  美外交政策专家托马斯·赖特惊呼特朗普的提议“无异于是对自由世界秩序的清盘”,并宣称它将“让俄罗斯和中国梦想成真”。
  美国一直有支持孤立主义的社会基础,民粹主义是它的价值来源之一。但自二战以后,极端孤立主义在美国一直是边缘化的,它如今找到特朗普这么个超级代言人,几十年来前所未有。
  然而特朗普不是从石头缝里蹦出来的,他是美国当下一系列困境和困惑催生的产物。他一个劲说美国不再是强大富有的国家了,已经不在原来的位置了,虽有夸张、放大问题之嫌,但世界的变化却是真实的。美国仍最强大最有财富,但它傲视全球的绝对优势快速掉膘,已渐渐撑不住它过去霸权的豪华场子,是不争的事实。
  特朗普以毫不顾忌“政治正确”的方式把一堆匕首般的语言甩到桌子上,对谁都白刀子进红刀子出,搞得美国盟友、美国的竞争者和对手,包括美国国内的政治精英们都丈二和尚摸不着头脑。在世界看来,他最新插上牌桌的刀子是:美国还能做“世界领导者”吗?
  首先要说明,“美国领导世界”是美国人灌输给世界的命题。如果以通常人们对“领导者”概念的理解,那么美国干过一些好事。比如它对维护全球海上交通安全和核不扩散做出过贡献,二战以后世界没再发生新的全球战争,这与它是世界老大大概也有关系。
但美国是个严重以权谋私的领导者,而且防范心极重,对世界和对自己的认识屡屡出重大失误。第一次海湾战争后,美国领导打的其他几场战争没一场能被后续效果证明是正确的,美国主导的北约东扩,它的亚太再平衡战略导致了新的国际紧张,而华盛顿没有力量主导这些紧张的发展方向。
  美国仍是全球最大的技术创新中心,也是全球大众文化消费的最大提供国,此外它继续是西方意识形态的制高点。它的硬实力尤其是军事实力保持着无可挑战的地位,它的金融控制力和互联网的超级能力则从不同角度帮助维系了它的霸权。
  然而最重要的是世界也在变,多极化甚至无极化越来越不像是理论空谈。在一个社会内部,传统主导力量的影响力都受到不同程度挑战,影响力的分散化非常明显,新的力量甚至一些个体扮演了以往不可思议的角色。世界舞台也出现类似的情形,新兴国家、中等国家的话语权显著上升,美国投入以往的同等财力,已很难获得与过去同等的霸权效果。
  这个世界什么都在涨价,吃饭、装修都变贵了,让别的国家听话会变得更贵。美国二战后可以很阔绰地出手搞马歇尔计划,包揽西欧的复兴。现在它连重建伊拉克的钱都不肯掏了。何况它不仅需要送一个崭新的伊拉克,还要送崭新的利比亚和阿富汗,给听西方话搞了西式民主的那些国家都送上由美国补贴的现代化生活,那样世界才会继续“服”它。
  华盛顿早就与盟友算小账了,它搞亚太再平衡不仅自己不想掏钱,还琢磨通过TPP从亚太国家捞一把。它在南海和朝鲜半岛基本是在搞“挑动群众斗群众”,这样领导力如何能够巩固?
  美国要继续“领导世界”,就得客观认识世界,修好自己的德行,通过与其他国家的共赢来实现自己的利益。否则的话,就请美国的精英们同特朗普去掰扯吧。
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1 COMMENT

  1. Problem is the US thinks that without American hegemony the world would go to hell in a hand-basket. So Washington is prepared to let the “homeland” crumble while it invests all its resources in shoring up that hegemony.

    I dare say, the transition to a multipolar world would be a bumpy one, but this unipolar one is far from smooth sailing. It’s sad to see the American empire sacrifice the American republic because it has an over-grandiose image of itself as the brilliant leader of the planet.