Since the rise of the Trump administration in the U.S., international affairs surrounding the Korean peninsula have been shifting. Upon visiting Japan, U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis declared that the disputed islands known as Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China are covered under the U.S.-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, and agreed to increase the Japanese defense budget, showing Washington’s support for Japanese rearmament. In response, China launched a series of protests near Senkaku and participated in the test launch of an intercontinental ballistic missile aimed at the U.S. mainland, raising tension.
Meanwhile, the U.S. and Iran are also locking horns. On Feb. 3, the White House blacklisted 13 individuals and 12 business entities under the Iran sanctions authority in response to Tehran’s ballistic missile tests. In response to the White House action, Iran held military exercises and additional missile tests. International diplomats noticed the hardline stance of the Trump administration, taking action merely five days after the incident, compared to the three months it took for the Obama administration to act after Iran’s missile launch in 2010. Mattis called Iran the “biggest state sponsor of terrorism” and suggested the possibility of destroying the 2015 nuclear deal.
What we should notice is that it’s highly likely that the same sanctions will be applied to North Korea as well. Kim Jong Un has repeatedly claimed that the regime is in its final stages of developing an ICBM aimed at the U.S. mainland, and the Trump administration and Congress are openly discussing a pre-emptive strike against North Korea and the assassination of Kim Jong Un. If North Korea really does take its chances as Kim warns it will, the whole Korean peninsula will be at peril, in tandem with the hardline policy of the new U.S. government.
It is uncertain whether our Korean politicians are aware of this crisis unfolding beyond Korean borders. Our presidential candidates are busy sweet-talking the public, putting forth basic theories like focusing on our national interests and pursuing self-reliant, balanced diplomatic policies instead of offering solid solutions and alternative options for our diplomacy and security. In times like these, we need to paint a big picture and establish a strategy that guarantees the security of our people and territory, taking the lead in adapting to this new international environment. For the sake of Korean national security, there can’t be divisions like the ruling and opposition party, or conservative and progressive factions.
Leave a Reply
You must be logged in to post a comment.