The Fears of White America

Published in El País
(Spain) on 3 December 2017
by Jan Martínez Ahrens (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stephen Routledge. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
President Donald Trump has twisted prejudices to create a fiction. He has presented Mexico as the great ogre; he has accused its migrants of being criminals; and he has promised a wall. But it is a construction built on myth. The current number of undocumented immigrants (11.3 million) is lower than in preceding periods, and in the last five years, the number of Mexicans returning to their country has been greater than those coming into the United States. Moreover, according to the Pew Research Center, Asia has already replaced Latin America as the main source of migration.

These are the facts. But Trump does not work with facts. In the creation of an external enemy, this Republican has preferred to rely on a more volatile component: fear. As Larry Sabato, political scientist from the University of Virginia explains, "His electoral base is predominantly white. Above all, they are workers who have seen their situation deteriorate. The president gives them scapegoats, normally in the form of immigrants and Mexicans.”*

In this way, Trump has played upon the profound transformation his country has experienced. In the last half-century, 59 million migrants have arrived in the United States. Presently, 14 percent of the population was born outside the country. This is three times the amount compared to 1965; and for the first time in history, non-Hispanic whites have ceased to be the majority in children under the age of 10. This phenomenon appears unstoppable. Already, California, Texas, Nevada, Hawaii and New Mexico are states that have multi-ethnic majorities; and, by the middle of this century, this will inevitably be the case across the entire country.

The level of diversity is much higher in cities than in rural areas: In the former, 58 percent of the population is white compared to 78 percent in the latter. It is in these non-metropolitan areas with an aging environment that white resistance − the great supplier of Trump's votes − has grown. "Many older people were educated in a country with less ethnic diversity where the principal minority was made up of segregated African Americans,” explains William Frey, a demographer from the Brookings Institution and author of the essay “Diversity Explosion.” “These people have seen their world change and they have become poorer. With his call to restore the greatness of America, Trump appeals to them.”*

The rural white population’s support has become a deadly electoral weapon. For example, in Pennsylvania, one of the small states that determined the outcome of the last election, the rural population, while making up only 12 percent of the inhabitants, gave the Republicans a margin of 287,000 votes over Hillary Clinton; much more than the advantage obtained by the Democrats in the cities (243,000 votes). The president is not willing to let go of this lever at any price.

Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, these quotes could not be verified.




El presidente Donald Trump ha retorcido los prejuicios para crear una ficción. Ha presentado a México como el gran ogro, ha acusado a sus migrantes de ser criminales y ha prometido un muro. Pero es una construcción sostenida por el mito. La actual cifra de indocumentados (11,3 millones) resulta inferior a la de etapas anteriores y desde hace cinco años es mayor el número de mexicanos que regresan a su país que los que van a EEUU. Es más, según el Pew Research Center, Asia ya ha reemplazado a Latinoamérica como principal fuente de migración.

Esos son los hechos. Pero Trump no trabaja con ellos. En la creación del enemigo exterior, el republicano ha preferido usar un componente más volátil: el miedo. “Su base electoral es masivamente blanca, sobre todo trabajadores que han visto deteriorarse su situación. El presidente les da dianas a las que culpar: generalmente mexicanos e inmigrantes”, explica el politólogo de la Universidad de Virginia Larry Sabato.

A su favor ha jugado la profunda transformación que ha vivido el país. En el último medio siglo han llegado a Estados Unidos 59 millones de migrantes. Ahora mismo, el 14% de la población nació fuera. El triple que en 1965. Y por primera vez en la historia, los blancos no hispanos han dejado de ser mayoría entre los menores de 10 años. El fenómeno parece imparable. California, Texas, Nevada, Hawai y Nuevo México ya son estados de mayorías multiétnicas. Y el país lo será irremediablemente a mediados de este siglo.

Esta diversidad es muy superior en las ciudades que en las zonas rurales (58% blancas frente al 78%). Y es ahí, en las áreas no metropolitanas, con un entorno envejecido, donde ha crecido la resistencia blanca. El gran surtidor de votos de Trump. “Muchos mayores se educaron en un país con menor diversidad étnica y donde la principal minoría era negra y estaba segregada. Han visto cambiar su mundo y se han empobrecido; a ellos apela Trump con sus llamadas a devolver la grandeza de América”, explica William Frey, demógrafo de Brookings Institution y autor del ensayo Diversity Explosion.

Este apoyo de la población blanca rural se ha vuelto un arma electoral mortífera. Por ejemplo, en Pensilvania, uno de los pequeños estados que hizo girar los pasados comicios, el universo rural, pese a que solo supone el 12% de los habitantes, le dio al republicano un margen de 287.000 votos sobre Hillary Clinton, mucho más que la ventaja obtenida por la demócrata en las ciudades (243.000 votos). Una palanca que el presidente no está dispuesta a soltar. A ningún precio.
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