Surrendering Sovereignty

Published in Excelsior
(Mexico) on 15 September 2019
by José Luis Valdés Ugalde (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nick Dauster. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
The reiteration by Mexico’s foreign secretary, Marcelo Ebrard, that Mexico will not accept being a safe third country, but that the nation's migration strategy is a success when 70% of the Central Americans (who, for Donald Trump, and for Mexico as well, are undesirable) are in the process of being expelled, demonstrates the profundity of the crisis in which Mexican foreign policy finds itself.

His statement that he does not regret what was done, as long as it means "complying with Mexican law," speaks to how much this law (we assume that it refers to migration laws) not only was not complied with, but instead was broken by Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's demagogic speech encouraging illegal immigration. It also speaks to the great extent to which Washington applied pressure to make sure that this law was carried out in a way that it found convenient. This is a complete paradox, of the size of this country, which has now become Trumpism's famous wall.

In the first place, it does not make sense nor does it seem right that the chancellor of the Republic of the 4Ts* travels to Trump and Mike Pompeo's home to show the nation's compliance and accepts the cynical congratulations that Trump sent out by tweet ("Incredible progress being made at the Southern Border!" tweeted the tycoon). This show of good behavior makes very visible, esthetically (ethics are esthetics) a submissive and abject attitude, which not only wasn't necessary, but also is evidence of the proportionate lack of strategic vision that is being held in the face of the complex world order in which we're immersed, but to which the López Obrador government stubbornly refuses to belong.

Since last June 7, on which it was agreed to carry out Trump's demand to stop the wave of Central American migration in return for which Washington would not impose a tariff of 5% on our exports, Mexico demonstrated a strange nervousness and showed that it is weak and vulnerable in the face of Trump's boasting. First of all, the speed: Mexico acted in a disorderly way and couldn't do anything else besides surrender. There were different options but they weren't considered. Since this unilateral decision violated the framework of NAFTA and the new United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, our country could have appealed to the World Trade Organization. The country didn't do that, instead opting to surrender its sovereignty.

What would have happened if in the fullness of the electoral campaign, in which Trump has fallen spectacularly in the polls, Mexico had opted to respond in the same way, applying the same tariff on the importation of the many products that come from Michigan, Texas, Arizona and other states in the United States? Surely Trump would have seen his numbers fall in states that are key to his reelection. To the contrary of what Ebrard argues, the tariff matter is an issue for both sides and not just the will of the United States. (Ebrard declared: "The tariff issue is a matter that only depends on the will of the U.S. president."). Completely to the contrary! It is, of course, a key issue for both countries, which the Mexican president's advisers (or he himself) decided to ignore.

For example, the tariffs would increase prices for the United States consumer and would affect the intra-firm production chain in both markets. Just in 2018, Mexico exported $450.92 billion to the world, of which 81.18% is exported to the U.S. For that reason, if Trump imposed a 5% tariff on our products, he would affect the procurement of the value-chains integrated into the production of both countries’ markets. The list of affected items is long: motor vehicles, telephone products, televisions, medical devices and equipment, information processing units, crude petroleum, spark plug cables, malt beer, tequila, avocados, bed products, unrefined gold and silver powder and fuel oil.

That is to say, a complete explosion causing scarcity in business inventories and, as a consequence, the above-mentioned price increases and breaking the industrial linkage within businesses. The inability of the Mexican government to get these concrete elements on the risk agenda and in the construction of scenarios to contain structural crises is what keeps us tied to a defensive and mediocre policy. And that shows how the unevenness and the lack of vision have led to a submissive policy that this country does not deserve. Even less so when Mexico had conditions in its favor to keep Trump from affecting a Mexican independence celebration that is already diminished. But, without a doubt, one that was celebrated today from the balconies of the National Palace. Happy Independence Day!**

*Translator's note: "4Ts" refers to President López Obrador's assertion that Mexico is now undergoing its fourth transformation, after independence, the liberal reforms of the 18th century, and the Mexican Revolution.

** Translator's note: This article was published on Sept. 15, on which a celebration of Mexico's declaration of independence is held throughout the country.



La reiteración de Marcelo Ebrard de que México no aceptará ser tercer país seguro, pero que la estrategia migratoria está siendo un éxito toda vez que se ha logrado un 70% de resultados en el proceso de expulsión de migrantes centroamericanos indeseables para Trump y, por añadidura para México, muestra lo profundo de la crisis en que la política exterior mexicana se encuentra.

Su afirmación de que de lo hecho no se arrepiente, toda vez que significa “cumplir con la ley mexicana”, habla de lo mucho que esta ley (suponemos que lo referente a las leyes migratorias) no sólo no se cumplía, sino de lo mucho que fue rota por el mismo discurso demagógico de AMLO al incitar la inmigración ilegal y de lo mucho que Washington presionó, precisamente, para hacer que esta ley se cumpliera convenencieramente. Toda una paradoja, del tamaño del país, que hoy se ha convertido en el soñado muro del Trumpismo.

En primer lugar, no me hace sentido ni gracia que el canciller de la República de la 4T vaya a rendirle cuentas a Trump y a Pompeo a su casa y que acepte la cínica felicitación que Trump envió por tuit (“¡Se está haciendo un increíble progreso en la frontera Sur!”, tuiteó el magnate). Esta muestra de buen comportamiento hace muy visible estéticamente, (ética es estética), una actitud entreguista y abyecta con Washington, que no sólo no era necesaria, sino que también es evidencia de la proporcional falta de visión estratégica que se tiene frente al complejo orden global en el que estamos inmersos, pero al que el gobierno de AMLO se niega tercamente a pertenecer.

Desde el 7 de junio pasado en que se acordó cumplir en 45 días con la exigencia de Trump de parar la ola migratoria centroamericana a cambio de que Washington no nos impusiera 5% de aranceles a nuestras exportaciones, México dio muestras de un extraño nerviosismo y se mostró débil y vulnerable ante las bravuconadas de Trump. En primer lugar, la prisa: México actuó desordenadamente y no pudo hacer otra cosa, más que entregarse. Opciones habían varias y no se contemplaron. Dado que esta decisión unilateral violaba la normatividad del TLCAN y del nuevo TMEC, nuestro país podría haber acudido a la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC) para solicitar su intervención. No lo hizo y optó por ceder soberanía.

¿Qué hubiera pasado si en plena precampaña electoral, en la que Trump ha bajado estrepitosamente en las encuestas, México hubiera optado por replicar en la misma forma, aplicando el mismo arancel a las importaciones de los muchos productos que vienen de Michigan, Texas, Arizona, y otros estados de la Unión Americana? Con toda seguridad Trump hubiera visto sus números bajar en estados claves para su reelección. Al contrario de lo que arguye Ebrard, el tema arancelario es asunto de ambos y no sólo de la voluntad de EU (Ebrard afirmó textual: “El tema arancelario es un tema que sólo depende de la voluntad del ejecutivo de EU”, Excélsior 11/09/19, p. 12). ¡Todo lo contrario! Es, desde luego, un tema central de ambas naciones, que sus asesores (o él mismo) decidieron ignorar.

Por ejemplo, los aranceles elevarían los precios al consumidor estadunidense y afectaría las cadenas de producción intrafirma ubicadas en ambos mercados. Sólo en 2018, México exportó al mundo 450 mil 920 millones de dólares, de los cuales 81.18 por ciento se exporta a EU, por lo tanto, si Trump impusiera el 5% de aranceles a nuestros productos, estaría afectando la proveeduría de las cadenas de valor integradas en la producción de ambos mercados. La lista es larga: vehículos de motor, artículos de telefonía, televisores, instrumentos y aparatos médicos, unidades de procesamiento de datos, aceites crudos de petróleo, cables para bujías, cerveza de malta, tequila, aguacate, artículos para cama, oro en bruto y plata en polvo y combustóleo.

Es decir, todo un bombazo en el desabasto de los inventarios de las empresas y en consecuencia, los mencionados aumentos de precios y rompimiento del encadenamiento industrial de las empresas intrafirma. La incapacidad del gobierno de incorporar estos elementos concretos en la agenda de riesgo y en la construcción de escenarios para contener crisis estructurales, es lo que nos tiene atados a una política defensiva y mediocre que muestra cómo el desparpajo y la falta de visión han sido los componentes de una política entreguista que este país no se merece tener. Y menos aún, cuando México tenía a su favor las condiciones para evitar que Trump afectara una independencia de por si maltrecha. Pero eso sí, hoy festivamente celebrada desde los balcones de Palacio. ¡Feliz día de la Patria!
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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