60 Years Since US-Japan Security Treaty Revision: We Must Deepen Cooperation To Face Various Threats

Published in Yomiuri Shimbun
(Japan) on 23 June 2020
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dorothy Phoenix. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
On June 23, it will be 60 years since the revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty took effect. The United States and Japan must continue to build mutual trust.

With the treaty as the foundation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, Japan has enjoyed peace, stability and economic prosperity. Cooperation between the two countries spans a wide range of areas, not just national security, but also economics, culture and so on. We would like to see the relationship deepen and continue to develop between both countries.

When the previous U.S.-Japan Security Treaty was revised in 1960, the main point was to clarify the alliance's obligation to defend Japan. The former Soviet Union's military power was on everyone's mind. Since the Cold War ended, more diverse threats loom, and military technology is improving at a remarkable pace.

North Korea continues to test nuclear missiles, while it also experiments with various types of ballistic missiles. At the same time, China is pursuing its own military expansion, engaging in ocean-based hegemonic activities. Backed by a huge budget, China is also poised to deploy space weapons.

It would be difficult for Japan's defense forces alone to cope with these threats. Japan's Self-Defense Forces and American military forces must seek to deepen their joint defensive capabilities.

American Military Presence in Asia Is Critical for Deterrence

In April, the U.S. military transitioned strategic bombers that had been deployed to Guam back over to the American mainland. In addition to demonstrating U.S. vigilance in the South China Sea, the bombers have also participated in joint military exercises with South Korea, keeping China and North Korea in check.

Since relocating to the American mainland, the bombers have also participated in joint military exercises with the Japan Air Self-Defense Force around Japan. These exercises must continue, in order to improve skills and readiness.

We Must Continue To Reevaluate Japan's Role in the Alliance

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration has indicated that it is internally discussing a new policy regarding the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. The government has ended plans to introduce Aegis Ashore, a land-based missile defense system. The main issue now is determining what will replace the system.

Japan's Liberal Democratic Party seeks the capability to attack enemy bases. In 1956, the government asserted that "it is unthinkable that the constitution's intent is for us to sit and wait for self-destruction." The government interpreted the constitution to mean that an attack in the case of an impending enemy missile launch is within the scope of self-defense.

If multiple missiles were launched at Japan at once, the current missile defense system would not be able to easily intercept them all.

In order to minimize damage, a possible option is to attack enemy bases via cruise missiles. Having counterattack measures in place strengthens deterrence. If Japan's role in the alliance expands, then the U.S.-Japan alliance will be strengthened.

We must not get caught in a fruitless debate over whether these measures will lead to a war of aggression. The government should carefully consider these points, and help citizens better understand this issue.


安保改定60年 多様な脅威に応じ協力深めよ

日米安全保障条約が発効してから、23日で60年を迎える。互いに信頼を高め合う取り組みを続けなければならない。

 条約に基づく日米同盟が礎となり、日本は平和と安定を確保し、経済的繁栄を享受してきた。2国間の協力は、安全保障はもとより、経済や文化など幅広い分野にわたる。関係を深化させ、両国の発展につなげたい。

 1960年に旧安保条約を改定した際の主眼は、米国による日本防衛義務の明確化だった。旧ソ連の軍事力を念頭に置いていた。冷戦崩壊後、脅威は多様化し、かつ軍事技術の進化も著しい。

 核・ミサイル開発を続ける北朝鮮は、様々な弾道ミサイルの発射実験を繰り返している。軍拡を進める中国は、海洋での覇権的な活動をやめない。莫大な予算で、宇宙にも兵器を配備する構えだ。

 いずれも、日本の防衛力だけで対応するのは難しい。自衛隊と米軍が連携して、共同対処能力を高めることが求められる。

 抑止力の維持に、米国のアジアへの関与は欠かせない。

 米軍は4月、グアムに配備していた戦略爆撃機を米本土から展開する運用に切り替えた。爆撃機は、南シナ海の警戒にあたったほか、米韓合同軍事演習に参加し、中国や北朝鮮を牽制してきた。

 米本土に拠点を移して以降も、爆撃機は日本周辺で航空自衛隊と合同訓練を行った。演習を重ね、練度を高める必要がある。

 重要なのは、日本の役割を不断に見直していくことである。

 安倍首相は、新たな安全保障政策について、政府内で議論する考えを示した。政府は、地上配備型迎撃システム「イージスアショア」の導入を停止した。その代替策が主要な論点となる。

自民党は敵基地攻撃能力の保有を求めている。政府は1956年の答弁で、「座して自滅を待つべしというのが憲法の趣旨とは考えられない」とし、ミサイル発射が切迫した場合の攻撃は、憲法が認める自衛の範囲と解釈する。

 多数のミサイルが同時に発射された場合、今の防衛体制ですべてを迎撃するのは容易ではない。

 被害を最小化するため、巡航ミサイルで敵基地を攻撃するという選択肢はあり得る。反撃の手段を持つことにより、抑止力は向上する。日本の役割が増えれば、日米同盟は強化されよう。

 「侵略戦争につながる」といった空疎な論議に終始してはならない。政府は丁寧に検討し、国民の理解を広げていくべきだ。
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