Filling the Void in Global Governance for a Stable World Order

Published in Nikkei
(Japan) on 20 August 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Toya Jackson. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
It has been approximately 10 years since the world starting referring to itself by the leader-barren nomenclature of “G zero.” The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed that the 75-year-old framework of postwar global governance has finally reached an impasse.

In the face of this global crisis, many nations have seen their lifestyles destabilized, and the crisis is putting pressure on the fragile seams of global governance. A prime example of this is the U.S. and China colliding over hegemony in the World Health Organization, followed by the U.S. announcing that it was withdrawing support for the organization.

America Turns Its Back on the World

Are other nations just going to stand by and allow the collapse of order? That will only lead to an erratic world in which countries clash in pursuit of short-term and short-lived gains. Needless to say, business and investment-related risks would also increase, triggering an economic headwind.

Instead, every country should find a path to cooperation and, even if only a little, begin filling the void in global governance. Nations should respect the rules, share the burden, and work toward long-term gains. Given the fact that global issues such as the environment and health care are becoming even more pressing, it is clear that cooperation is the road nations intend to take.

Postwar global governance has developed into a two-story structure. The first level consists of international institutions such as the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, institutions established under law that act as a backbone. These institutions were established in the aftermath of World War II with the intent to promote international cooperation.

The second level is a framework in which influential countries address global issues, as is exemplified by the Group of Seven major industrial nations, established in the 1970s, and the Group of 20 industrial and emerging-market nations, whose presence became more prominent after the 2008 financial crisis. Each of these frameworks was led by the U.S., which, while pursuing its own interests, held the world together by keeping an eye out for each country and stepping in when necessary.

President Donald Trump has turned his back on that role. Since Trump took office in 2017, the U.S. has announced its withdrawal from several international agreements, including the climate-change-mitigating Paris climate accord. It was also the U.S. that rejected the appointment of committee members to oversee dispute settlement, thus rendering the World Trade Organization inoperable. Even the G-20 finds itself at a standstill in the face of the U.S. and its “America First” policy.

While a considerable amount of blame falls on the Trump administration, we cannot ignore the subcurrent of shifting dynamics due to China’s rise as a global power and the relative decline of the United States. Already weary from facing domestic problems such as the decrease in manufacturing and the widening economic gap, the American people want to distance themselves from global issues. Regardless of the outcome of the presidential election this November, it is likely that this reality will not see much change.

In that case, assuming the U.S. continues its limited engagement, the world will need to consider how it will go about global governance reform.

It is not realistic to visualize a world order led by China. Although China took the offensive in response to the COVID-19 pandemic with its “mask diplomacy,” according to the most recent U.S. Gallup poll, the number of people who acknowledge China’s leadership capabilities is still less than those who acknowledge America’s leadership, despite the latter currently being at an all-time low. Moreover, China’s suppression of free speech in Hong Kong left democratic countries with the impression that China is simply too different.

To protect the current international order founded on freedom and democracy, countries which share the same values will have no choice but to step up. Japan, the U.K. and Germany will have large roles to play. In order to fill the void left by the U.S., the remaining G-7 countries must come up with a strategy, reconcile their interests, and start laying the foundation for international consensus building.

Revitalizing the G-20 is also crucial in putting that plan into action. Although currently at an impasse, a framework that brings together the leaders of the countries that constitute 90% of the global economy is invaluable. Even if the G-20 cannot compel Trump to change his “America First” mentality, it would be in a position to deter protectionist policies and urge international cooperation in certain areas.

Relying on the Cooperation of Like-Minded Countries

The G-20 should be firm when it comes to holding countries, even China, accountable for respecting freedom, democracy and convention. It could even propose constructive ways to bridge the gap between the feuding China and the U.S. Yet, it is unfortunate that many nations seem to have already given up.

Even a smaller coalition of like-minded countries designed to address specific issues could serve as a crutch to the weakened global governance. For example, Singapore and New Zealand signed an agreement to maintain trade relations even during the coronavirus pandemic, including the trade of essential goods, and it was later signed by 10 additional countries. In 2019, Germany and France founded the Alliance for Multilateralism, an alliance of countries founded on respect for international law in the advocacy of multilateralism.

Two problems that will arise in the near future are the issue of the WHO’s budget, given that the U.S. has suspended funding, and dispute settlement in the WTO. Several countries should step forward to take on these responsibilities, save global governance from collapsing in whichever areas possible, and seize the opportunity for reform.

World order led by the U.S. and its overwhelming influence is coming to an end, and a more multilateral governance framework is necessary. What is the smoothest way to transition? On what philosophy should we build this new framework? Soon enough, many countries will have both their resolve and imagination put to the test.



--国際統治の空白埋め秩序の安定を--


世界がリーダーシップを欠く「Gゼロ」が叫ばれて約10年。新型コロナ禍は、戦後75年に及ぶ国際統治の仕組みがいよいよ行き詰まってきたことを露呈させた。

世界的な危機を前に各国の足並みは乱れ、国際統治のほころびに拍車がかかっている。世界保健機関(WHO)の主導権をめぐって米中が対立し、米国が脱退を表明したのは最たる例だ。

世界に背を向ける米国

このまま手をこまぬいて秩序を崩壊させていいのか。その先に待つのは各国が目先ばかりの狭い国益を追ってぶつかる不安定な世界だ。当然ビジネスや投資のリスクは高まり経済にも逆風になる。

各国は連携の糸口をみつけ国際統治の空白を少しでも埋めるべきだ。ルールを重んじ負担を分かち合って長い目でみた利益を実現する。環境、保健などグローバルな課題が重みを増すなか、それがめざす道であるのは明らかだ。

戦後の国際統治は2階建ての構造が担ってきた。1階は国際連合や世界銀行、国際通貨基金(IMF)など、法律に基づいて設置された国際機関が背骨をなす。2度の世界大戦の反省から、国際協調を促す目的で構想された。

2階は有力国が国際問題に対処する枠組みで、1970年代以降の主要7カ国(G7)や、2008年の金融危機後に存在感を増した20カ国・地域(G20)に代表される。どの体制も率いたのは米国で、自国の利益を求めつつ、各国に目配りして汗もかくことで世界をまとめてきた。

トランプ米大統領はその役割に背を向けた。17年の就任以降、脱退を表明した国際的な枠組みは地球温暖化を防ぐパリ協定など多岐にわたる。紛争処理を担う委員の任命を拒み、世界貿易機関(WTO)を機能不全に追い込んだのも米国だ。G20も自国第一を掲げる米国を前に立ち往生している。

その意味でトランプ政権の責任は重いが、底流には中国の台頭と米国の相対的な力の低下という構造変化がある。製造業の衰退や格差の拡大で米国民は疲れ、世界の問題と距離を置きたがっている。11月の大統領選がどう転んでも状況は大きく変わらないだろう。

だとすれば米国の限られた関与を前提に、どう国際統治の仕組みを立て直すかを考えるべきだ。

中国が率いる秩序を思い描くのは現実的ではない。コロナ禍の対応では「マスク外交」などで攻勢に出たが、直近の米ギャラップの調査によると、中国の指導力を評価する人々の割合は歴史的な低さにある米国すら下回る。香港への言論弾圧も、民主主義の国々に中国の異質さを印象づけた。

自由や民主主義に基づく国際秩序を守るには、同じ価値を共有する国々がかじをとるしかない。日本、英国、ドイツなどの役割は大きい。米国が空けた空白を埋めるため、G7の残りの国が構想を練り、利害を調整し、国際的な合意形成を地ならしすべきだ。

その成果を実行に移すにはG20の再活性化もカギになる。行き詰まっているとはいえ、世界経済の9割を占める国・地域の首脳が一堂に会する枠組みは貴重だ。トランプ氏に自国第一の転換を求めるのは無理でも、保護主義的な措置に歯止めをかけ、特定の分野で国際協調を促す場になりうる。

有志国の連携に期待

中国に対しても自由、民主主義やルールの尊重を粘り強く訴えていくべきだ。対立する米中を橋渡しする建設的な提案を示す動きがあってもいい。各国に諦めムードが漂っているのは残念だ。

特定の課題に取り組む有志国の連合も、ぐらつく国際統治の添え木になれる。シンガポールとニュージーランドはコロナ危機下でも必需品を含めた貿易を維持する共同声明に署名し、その後、10カ国が参加した。独仏は昨年、ルールに基づく多国間主義を支持する国々の連合を立ち上げた。

目先、問題になるのは米国が資金拠出を拒んだWHOの予算やWTOでの紛争処理だ。これを有志国で肩代わりするなど可能な部分から国際統治の瓦解をくい止め、改革につなげるべきだ。

米国が圧倒的な力で世界を率いた国際秩序は終わりつつあり、より多極的な統治の仕組みが必要になる。そこへどう安定的に移行するか。そしてどんな理念のもとで新たな体制を築くか。各国の覚悟と構想力が問われる局面だ。
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