Don’t Be Deluded About US-China Relations, but Don’t Give Up

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 8 November 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Brittany Bradley. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
It seems Joe Biden’s victory in the U.S. presidential election has already been decided, and America’s Western allies, in spite of President Donald Trump's response, have already congratulated Biden. During Trump’s four years in office, the biggest swing in U.S. foreign policy was related to China-U.S. relations. One could view his diplomatic legacy as one marked by all-out suppression and restraint of China. Will Biden continue down the same path as Trump in his handling of China-U.S. relations?

Most analysts believe that the high-intensity conflict launched during Trump’s administration, including the trade war, have reset the general nature of China-U.S. relations and changed the overall thinking of the U.S. elite about China. Biden will manage China-U.S. relations and maintain a tough attitude toward China. We can’t dismiss the prospect of seeing increased U.S. activity regarding what it calls “human rights” issues in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, for example. In other words, the tension in China-U.S. relations won’t be going away.

However, it should also be noted that since the beginning of this year, the great amount of pressure Trump has put on China was due to the administration’s decision to make it a major campaign strategy. It believes that the harder they are on China and the more indiscriminately they blame it for the U.S. failure to combat the epidemic, the more votes it will win. As a result, this year, the U.S. has made a deliberate attempt to create tension with China through its foreign policy.

We believe it’s possible to rectify the situation. Beijing should make every possible effort to communicate with Biden’s staff and work to restore strained China-U.S. relations, so they are more predictable.

For starters, China-U.S. relations could be greatly improved with regard to fighting COVID-19. Upon taking office, the most important task Biden must accomplish is controlling COVID-19, and just as Biden himself has stated in the past, in addition to following the guidance of the scientific community, we must also work together. There is no other option. Therefore, attempts to combat the epidemic through shifting blame or trying to find those responsible for handling the epidemic are unsustainable. It is possible for China and the U.S. to move from intense confrontation over COVID-19 to a more pragmatic form of cooperation that might provide guidance on the problems which plague China-U.S. relations.

Second, Biden stated that he will rejoin the Paris Agreement and once again promote the United Nations climate change initiative. This can't be separate from cooperation with China and will help both countries find some common ground.

Third, Biden will most likely maintain Trump’s strong stance with regard to trade. However, he might not continue the risky approach of the previous administration. In the past few years, the U.S. has adopted some clumsy strategies in trying to fight its enemy, while it ended up with losses of its own. The reduction in trade deficit to China hasn’t had any real effect, and many American companies have complained about the situation. A change in administration could lead to realistically exploring ways to adjust.

Fourth, Trump’s administration has gone too far in its personal attacks, which has undermined trust between both parties with respect to future exchanges. On top of this, COVID-19 has caused many Chinese parents to give up on sending their children to the U.S. for schooling. With a change in supply and demand for an American education among foreign students, there is little room for Biden to abuse Chinese students and scholars.

In short, the Trump administration has utilized all of its tough policy plays and put nearly all of its cards on the table. Biden's administration is now left with far fewer resources to implement a tougher policy toward China. To tell the truth, the relationship between China and the U.S. so far has not been normal. Tension between the two countries has become detrimental for both parties. In the past few years, Washington has treated China as the enemy, but the relationship between the two countries is not really a hostile one. There’s a great deal of competition between the two, however it is realistic to expect a meeting of interests on a broader level. To some extent, this will be set to rights sooner or later.

Of course, the U.S., as a democratic country, is more stubborn with respect to values, yet China and the U.S., two superpowers, are unlikely to descend into confrontation simply because of differing values. In addition, Biden will focus more on cementing trans-Atlantic alliances, but the U.S.-Western alliance was not fundamentally founded to deal with China. If Washington tries to bring its old alliances into the mix, it must in turn be subject to some restrictions from its allies. Such allies who have many economic and trade interests in China are unlikely to confront it in order to strengthen their alliance with the U.S., and this is bound to balance the scales.

China doesn’t need to hold onto the illusion that Biden may ease tensions between the two countries and reverse China-U.S. relations, but it also must not weaken its belief in improving relations. Just from looking at the trend, U.S. competitiveness and wariness of China will only continue to increase, but the easing of tensions and regulation of relations between the two countries is in the common interest of its citizens and the international community. Even if the two countries are on bad terms, both should attempt to bring about some level of stability and predictability in relations. They should take steps to prevent further deterioration of that relationship, something which is a necessary policy step that both sides need to act on together.

Finally, the most fundamental way for China to deal with the strategic challenges of the U.S. is to continuously strengthen itself. It should become such a powerful presence that the U.S. can’t crush or mess with it. This is the basic way to make the U.S. realize that cooperation with China is the best way for it to achieve its own national interests.


拜登成为下一届美国总统看来已成定局,美国的西方盟友不顾特朗普的态度已经向拜登发出祝贺。特朗普四年执政美国对外政策摆动最大的是对华关系,对中国全面打压、遏制可以视为他最大的“外交遗产”。那么拜登会在多大程度上延续对华关系的“特朗普路线”呢?

多数分析认为,特朗普执政期间发动包括贸易战在内的高强度冲突,已经重置了中美关系的大环境,整体上改变了美国精英群体的对华思维。拜登上台会接下中美关系新的大盘,保持强硬对待中国的基本态度。在新疆、香港等美方定义的所谓“人权”问题上,不排除民主党政府会有变本加厉的表现,总之美在两国关系主要方向的施压不会松懈下来。

然而也要看到,今年以来特朗普政府“为对华施压而施压”的情况大量出现,其原因是特朗普政府把夸张地表演对华施压当成了竞选的一项主要策略。他们相信对中国越狠,越是不分青红皂白地就美国抗疫失败向中国甩锅,越有助于赢得选票,所以今年的美国对华政策出现了一些刻意制造中美关系紧张的泡沫因素。


我们认为挤掉这些泡沫是有可为的,北京应当与拜登团队开展尽可能充分的沟通,为紧张的中美关系恢复到一个有较强可预测性的状态做出努力。

首先,中美在抗疫领域的关系是有很大调整空间的。拜登上台后的首要任务就是防控疫情,而这正像他之前所说,除了科学抗疫合作抗疫,别无选择。这样一来,“甩锅抗疫”和所谓“追责抗疫”就难以为继,中美从围绕疫情的激烈对抗转为开展务实合作就会成为可能,而这一合作或为重新认识中美关系的一些问题创造更多线索。

第二,拜登表示将回归巴黎气候协定,而要重新推动联合国气变行动,同样离不开中美合作,这也会增加中美之间的非对立性话题。

第三,经贸领域拜登大概会坚持特朗普的高压路线,但特朗普政府的狂赌方式未必会得到新政府的延续。过去几年美方采取了一些杀敌一千自损八百的笨招,对美国缩小对华贸易逆差并未产生实际效果,还导致很多美国企业怨声载道。政府更迭有可能带来一些面对现实的探索性调整。

第四,人员交流这一块特朗普政府也做过头了,破坏了双方开展更多人员往来的信心。加上疫情让很多中国家庭放弃了送孩子去美国读书的计划,赴美留学的供求关系正在发生重大变化,拜登坚持打压中国学生学者路线的空间已经很小。

总的来说,特朗普政府过度消费了对华强硬政策,好出的牌几乎全都甩到了桌面上,这让拜登政府实施“更加强硬”对华政策的资源大大减少。说实话,迄今为止的中美关系已经很不正常了,双方的紧张变得与两国现实利益关系很不相配,过去几年华盛顿实际在把中国当“敌人”对待,而中美的确不是敌对关系,双方存在大量竞争,但是广泛利益的彼此交融是真实的。这方面一定程度的拨乱反正迟早都要到来。

当然了,民主党在价值观方面更加执拗,然而中美作为两个大国不太可能仅仅因为价值冲突而滑向战略对抗。另外,拜登会更注重巩固跨大西洋的联盟关系,但是美西方的联盟从根本上说不是为对付中国构建起来的,如果华盛顿试图将原有的联盟用到对华关系上,它也必须反过来受到盟国的一定制约。那些盟国都与中国有很多经贸利益,它们不太可能愿意为了加强同美国的联盟而与中国对抗,那注定将是一个做出某种平衡的过程。

中国不用对拜登可能带来中美关系的缓和性逆转抱有幻想,但同样不能弱化对改善中美关系的信念。从趋势上看,美国的对华竞争和防范心态只会不断强化,但两国关系的缓和与可控符合两国人民和国际社会的共同利益。让两国即使糟糕的关系实现某种平稳和可预期性,为不使双方关系出现极具破坏性的恶化实施管控,是两国必须共同采取行动的必要政策努力。

最后要说,中国应对美国战略挑战最根本的方法是要不断壮大自我。我们要成为美国压不垮、搞不乱的强大存在,让对华开展合作成为美国实现自己国家利益的最佳途径,这是根本之道。
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