U.S. and Japan Must Come to Terms on Security Treaty

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 23 June 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Biant. Edited by Nathan Ladd.
The U.S. and Japan need to come to terms regarding their security treaty.

After four years, the cabinet ministers in charge of foreign affairs and defense for both America and Japan have taken another look at their "mutual strategic objectives" and have agreed to share responsibility and cooperate defensively.

It is the first time for a democratic administration, but the exchange of knowledge and policies between America and Japan on the increasingly uncertain state of East Asia has definitely been significant.

Concern has been shown about China’s rise to power "making the region unstable," and so the new strategic objectives are to urge them to adhere to international rules and take responsibility. It also includes taking a strong stance and telling North Korea to "stop making trouble."

They will also try to get other countries such as Australia, South Korea and India to take notice and help promote peace.

However, in these latest agreements a big weight has been placed on the Democratic Party to unify the relationship that is swaying over the issue to relocate Futenma.

The subheading reads “moving towards a deeper and expanded union of Japan and America,” but what it should probably read is “regression of our union has finally stopped.”

You could say that the cooperative success between the countries in responding to the great earthquake disaster in eastern Japan has improved the chances of unification. America rose to the expectations and acknowledged Japan’s suffering, all of which reflects their bold involvement.

But there is the pending problem of relocating Futenma, and the alternative of constructing the facility in Henoko does not look like it is going to come to fruition thanks to the firmly rooted opposition of Okinawa. Not only have they gone back to the agreements laid out when the Liberal Democratic Party was in power, but they are actually deepening the chasm with Okinawa.

No progress is being made to relocate the training drills, which the locals are requesting, and dangerous army airports could be established in dense residential areas.

The two countries are also involved in relocating the U.S. carrier-based aircraft to Iwakuni and have decided to inspect Mageshima in Kagoshima prefecture as a priority for implementing the comings and goings of the training drills that the U.S. are demanding. Resistance from the locals is strong and it will without a doubt spark more problems for America’s plans to reorganize its army.

And that’s not all… little by little they have come to an agreement, based on sketchy guidelines, to relocate ballistic missile defense interceptor missiles they have co-developed to a third country.

We have already requested that the Diet who are involved in the Three Principles on arms exports discuss this seriously. Continuing the relocation without putting on the breaks is a serious oversight.

Japan is paying a big price, and for Naoto Kan, who momentarily resigned as prime minister, there is not a lot of breathing space. In America, at the end of the month, the secretary of defense will be replaced.

In order to give some weight to the slapstick agreements that are being made and deepen their alliance once again, they must regain some control.


日米安保合意―同盟修復にはなったが
日米両国の外務・防衛担当閣僚が、4年ぶりに「共通戦略目標」を見直し、防衛協力や役割分担について合意した。
 民主党政権では初めてのことであり、不透明さを増す東アジア情勢などをめぐり、日米が認識や政策をすりあわせたことには一定の意義があった。
 新たな戦略目標は、中国の台頭に「地域の安全保障環境を不安定にしうる」との懸念を示し、国際法の順守や責任ある役割を促した。北朝鮮にも「挑発を抑止する」と強い姿勢で臨んでいる。
 オーストラリアや韓国、インドなどと多国間の安保協力を進めようという発想も目を引く。
 ただ、今回の合意は民主党政権になって、普天間飛行場の移設問題をめぐって揺らいだ同盟関係を、修復させることに大きなウエートがおかれた。
 副題には「より深化し、拡大する日米同盟に向けて」とあるが、「同盟の退化を止めた」というのが実情だろう。
 東日本大震災での日米協力の成功がその機運を高めたとはいえ、米側の期待に応えようとして日本側が困難を承知の上で、あえて盛り込んだと映る内容もある。
 たとえば、懸案の普天間飛行場の移設問題では、沖縄の根強い反対で実現の見通しが立たない名護市辺野古への代替施設建設を明記した。自公政権時代の合意に戻っただけでなく、沖縄とのミゾをさらに深めるのは確実だ。
 これでは、地元が求める訓練移転が進まないまま、住宅密集地の中に危険な軍用空港が固定化されてしまうことになる。
 また米空母艦載機の岩国基地への移駐にからみ、米側が求める発着訓練の実施先として、鹿児島県の馬毛島を検討することも決めた。地元の反発は強く、米軍再編の新たな火種になるのは避けられない。
 それだけではない。共同開発を進める弾道ミサイル防衛用の迎撃ミサイルの第三国移転についても、あいまいな指針で、なし崩し的に合意してしまった。
 私たちはかねて、武器輸出三原則に絡めた国会での本格論議を求めてきた。具体的な歯止めがないまま移転が進む事態は、とても見逃すことができない。
 日本が背負う代償が大きいのに、いったん退陣表明をした菅直人首相には、まともに向き合う余裕はない。米側も今月末で国防長官が交代する。
 こんな、どたばたの中での合意に意義を持たせるには、改めて同盟深化を着実に進めるための仕切り直しが必要だ。

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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