The Hidden Story of 9/11
Published in Excelsior
(Mexico) on 7 September 2011
by Luis Gutiérrez Esparza (link to original)
(Mexico) on 7 September 2011
by Luis Gutiérrez Esparza (link to original)
Translated from
by Jonathan Fitzgerald.
Edited by Nathan Ladd.
It Is Clear that U.S. Authorities Were Aware of Impending Attacks
This is the result of research I conducted between September 2001 and August 2002. The information remains valid and poses questions that to date have received no official response.
On Monday, Aug. 6, 2001, at 5:50 p.m., the German Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger informed then U.S. President George W. Bush that information obtained by the German Secret Service and the German Federal Intelligence agency, which is equivalent to the CIA, indicated that an attack on U.S. targets, carried out by a radical group partly based in German territory, would occur on Sept. 10 or 11.
The president was at his ranch in Texas. The ambassador acted on direct instructions from then Foreign Minister of Germany Joschka Fischer. The information was obtained by the German Secret Service’s monitoring of radical Arab groups established in Germany, as well as through the interception of communications between the Israeli Embassy and the Foreign Ministry in Tel Aviv.
The U.S. president thanked the ambassador for the report and said he was aware of the threat. However, after the 9/11 attacks, the White House, through the State Department, made an urgent request to the German government that there be no public reference to the warning made by Ischinger.
Subsequently, a secret report was prepared based on information provided by German Federal Intelligence foreign stations. The essential parts of this report were provided to this author by intelligence sources during a meeting in Los Angeles, California.
It is clear that U.S. authorities were aware of impending attacks. Due to the Bush family involvement in oil (Zapata Oil Company), many individuals and corporations with interests in the business financed Bush's political career.
Vice President Dick Cheney was chief director of the Halliburton Company, headquartered in Dallas; it is the leading oil services company in the world. Between 1991 and 1997, such important American oil companies as Texaco, Unocal, Shell, BP, Amoco, Chevron and Exxon-Mobil made a formal appearance in the former Soviet republic of Kazakhstan, where there are huge reserves of hydrocarbons. The Kazakh government received more than $3 million to grant these companies rights to exploration and exploitation. Additionally, the companies agreed to provide $35 billion in investments in the country.
The oil company Unocal signed an agreement with the Taliban government and its opponents from the Northern Alliance to allow the construction of a pipeline through Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Indian Ocean, so it could avoid paying Russia to use their pipelines.
In December of 1997, official envoys of the Taliban were in the United States to attend a conference at the Unocal headquarters in Texas to discuss the project. The negotiations failed because the Taliban’s financial demands seemed excessive to the company.
In 1998 the Afghan civil war and the instability in Pakistan reached such levels that the pipeline seemed impossible. In the same year, Enron, based in Houston, suggested building a pipeline parallel to those of Russia, that would go west instead of south and cost $3 billion.
A secret memorandum by Cheney indicated that Unocal was determined to finance the pipeline to the south. The project would take five years to be carried out and would produce some $2 billion a year. There were other secret reports, and the government was convinced of the importance of the project. The only obstacles were the Taliban, its allies and supporters. So began the story.
This is the result of research I conducted between September 2001 and August 2002. The information remains valid and poses questions that to date have received no official response.
On Monday, Aug. 6, 2001, at 5:50 p.m., the German Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger informed then U.S. President George W. Bush that information obtained by the German Secret Service and the German Federal Intelligence agency, which is equivalent to the CIA, indicated that an attack on U.S. targets, carried out by a radical group partly based in German territory, would occur on Sept. 10 or 11.
The president was at his ranch in Texas. The ambassador acted on direct instructions from then Foreign Minister of Germany Joschka Fischer. The information was obtained by the German Secret Service’s monitoring of radical Arab groups established in Germany, as well as through the interception of communications between the Israeli Embassy and the Foreign Ministry in Tel Aviv.
The U.S. president thanked the ambassador for the report and said he was aware of the threat. However, after the 9/11 attacks, the White House, through the State Department, made an urgent request to the German government that there be no public reference to the warning made by Ischinger.
Subsequently, a secret report was prepared based on information provided by German Federal Intelligence foreign stations. The essential parts of this report were provided to this author by intelligence sources during a meeting in Los Angeles, California.
It is clear that U.S. authorities were aware of impending attacks. Due to the Bush family involvement in oil (Zapata Oil Company), many individuals and corporations with interests in the business financed Bush's political career.
Vice President Dick Cheney was chief director of the Halliburton Company, headquartered in Dallas; it is the leading oil services company in the world. Between 1991 and 1997, such important American oil companies as Texaco, Unocal, Shell, BP, Amoco, Chevron and Exxon-Mobil made a formal appearance in the former Soviet republic of Kazakhstan, where there are huge reserves of hydrocarbons. The Kazakh government received more than $3 million to grant these companies rights to exploration and exploitation. Additionally, the companies agreed to provide $35 billion in investments in the country.
The oil company Unocal signed an agreement with the Taliban government and its opponents from the Northern Alliance to allow the construction of a pipeline through Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Indian Ocean, so it could avoid paying Russia to use their pipelines.
In December of 1997, official envoys of the Taliban were in the United States to attend a conference at the Unocal headquarters in Texas to discuss the project. The negotiations failed because the Taliban’s financial demands seemed excessive to the company.
In 1998 the Afghan civil war and the instability in Pakistan reached such levels that the pipeline seemed impossible. In the same year, Enron, based in Houston, suggested building a pipeline parallel to those of Russia, that would go west instead of south and cost $3 billion.
A secret memorandum by Cheney indicated that Unocal was determined to finance the pipeline to the south. The project would take five years to be carried out and would produce some $2 billion a year. There were other secret reports, and the government was convinced of the importance of the project. The only obstacles were the Taliban, its allies and supporters. So began the story.
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