It’s Too Early to Badmouth the US

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 14 December 2011
by Liu Baomo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jonathan Dixon. Edited by Nathan Ladd.
America’s international influence immediately dropped because of its economic slump, debt concerns and high unemployment rates. As a result, both the international community and some within the U.S. have begun to badmouth the country. However, is the it really in a slump akin to premature aging?

In order to strengthen the confidence of the American people, restore the country’s former “hegemonic” status and secure reelection, President Obama has energetically revised his strategy, with three changes, to have a more global emphasis. The first change is a move from counterterrorism to a focus on the economy, as fear of the economy has replaced fear of terrorism. Most recently on Obama’s Asia-Pacific trip, the big topic was the economy, with counterterrorism only mentioned once. David Rothkopf, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said, “The change of focus from conflicts in the Middle East to strategic and economic interests in Asia and from unilateralism to a new balance-of-power diplomacy may be the most important shift in America’s global stance since the end of the Cold War.
The second change is to create “America’s Pacific century.” Following the extraction of American troops from the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, Washington has accelerated its strategic shift towards Asia. In Obama’s September trip to the Asia-Pacific region he said, “The United States is a Pacific Power, and we are here to stay.” The goal is to reshape America’s leadership in the Pacific region. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also wrote in an article that, “The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics [and] harnessing Asia’s growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interests.” Therefore America’s foreign policy needs to change and move towards the Asia-Pacific region, establishing a policy of “forward deployment,” as Clinton says, “proceed[ing] along six key lines of action: strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.”
From this it is apparent that the new American strategy toward Asia is to use smart and soft power, to achieve the greatest benefits at minimum cost and further establish its hegemony in the region.

The third change is the new Middle East policy, which is to promote democratization in the Arab region, with the intention of bringing it into America’s orbit and enabling the countries to achieve a smooth transition of power. At the moment, America is building a democratic model in Egypt, has overthrown Gadhafi’s regime in Libya, made President Saleh of Yemen resign and is attempting to back the uprising in Syria. At the same time we can’t forget that it is also pressuring the regimes in Iran, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies to be more secure. The initiative has achieved some success, but the situation in the region is still volatile and could become so again without American involvement in its development.
On the domestic front, the U.S. government also has “three points of interest.” The first is a question of employment, with the goal to reduce the unemployment rate from its peak of 9 percent. On Sept. 8, Obama brought up a proposal before Congress to stimulate employment, lower taxes and increase spending up to $447 billion, though the core of the package was to reduce payroll taxes. Obama said that the trade agreement signed during his Asia-Pacific trip would “boost nearly 130,000 American jobs” and help the U.S. “reach [the] goal of doubling American exports by 2014.” In addition, the Federal Reserve launched a new stimulus initiative, which Obama said will “shift the Fed’s $2.65 trillion portfolio of securities toward longer-term securities” and lower interest rates to boost investment and consumption, in order to “stimulate” the troubled real estate market. The second area of interest concerns the country’s scientific and technological lead. The U.S. government continues to invest in the research and development of new, high-tech weapons, as well as develop clean energy, in order to seize the international high ground. In medicine there are also a number of new breakthroughs. The final area is the military. Although the high U.S. budget deficit has led to a reduction in military expenditures, U.S. aircraft carriers continue to dominate the sea, the sky is filled with its unmanned aerial vehicles and the U.S. constantly violates other countries’ airspace. The establishment of overseas military bases and troops across the world is done to achieve the policy of checks and balances.

America’s position as “number one” remains secure, with no competition. As former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said, “The strength of the United States over the Soviet Union since World War II has begun to decline in the early 1990s. However, regardless of which country, the United States is still very strong, and not in a decline.”*

*Editor’s note: This quote, while accurately translated, could not be verified.



刘宝莱

当下,美国经济疲软、债台高筑、失业率高企,国际影响力下降。于是,国际社会“唱衰”美国者大有人在,国内“唱衰”美国者也有之。然而,美国真的就此一蹶不振、“未老先衰”吗?

为了增强美国人的自信,恢复往日的“霸气”和谋求连任,奥巴马总统现正积极调整全球战略重点,以实现三个转变。首先,由全面反恐转入关注经济,即“对经济的担忧已取代对恐怖主义的担忧”。最近,奥巴马的亚太之行,大谈经济,未谈反恐,就是一例。卡内基国际和平基金会访问学者戴维·罗特科普夫宣称:“从中东地区的冲突到亚洲的战略和利益,从单边主义到新的均势外交,这一关注焦点的转变也许是自冷战结束以来美国的全球姿态出现的最重要转变。”

其次,加速战略东移,打造“美国的太平洋世纪”。随着美军从伊拉克和阿富汗战场逐渐撤离,华盛顿加快了向亚太转移的战略步伐。奥巴马11月亚太之行高调宣扬“美国是太平洋强国,我们来到这里就要留在这里”,意在重塑美国在太平洋的领导地位。国务卿希拉里·克林顿也撰文强调:“亚太地区已成为全球政治的一个关键的驱动力,利用亚洲的增长和活力是美国的经济和战略利益核心。”因此,美国外交政策需要加快转变,向亚太地区转移,建立外交上的“前沿部署”,“遵循六个关键的行动方针,即加强双边安全联盟;深化与新兴大国的工作关系,其中包括中国;参与区域性多边机构;扩大贸易和投资;打造一种有广泛基础的军事存在;促进民主和人权”。由此可见,美国亚太战略的新特点是运用巧实力和软实力,以最小的代价实现利益最大化,以进一步确立其在该地区的霸主地位。

第三,调整中东政策,由力保亲美的阿拉伯共和制政权转为明确支持地区变革,意在将其纳入美国轨道,使各国政权按其意图实现平稳过渡。当下,美国在打造埃及民主样板、推翻利比亚卡扎菲政权、放弃也门萨利赫总统后,又企图压垮叙利亚;同时也不忘高压伊朗,至于沙特等海湾君主制政权,则为其出招,予以力保。上述举措取得了一定成效,但地区局势仍在动荡,甚至出现反复,不可能按美国意图发展。

在国内方面,美国政府也有“三抓”。一抓就业问题,以降低高达9%的失业率。9月8日,奥巴马向国会两院提出了就业刺激方案,主要包括降低税收和增加高达4470亿美元开支的一揽子计划,其核心在于削减工薪税。奥巴马称,亚太之行期间签署的贸易协议将“支持13万个美国工作岗位”,并帮助美国“实现到2014年让美国出口增长一倍的目标”。此外,美联储推出了新刺激举措,“决定调整其2.65万亿美元证券投资组合,以压低长期利率”,通过降低利率来提振投资和消费,给陷入困境的房地产市场“注入一针兴奋剂”。二抓科技领先。美国政府继续加大对高科技和新式武器研发的投入,争取在清洁能源建设方面抢占国际制高点。在医药方面,美国也有新的突破。三抓军事力量。尽管美国财政预算赤字高企,但军费开支减少不多。美国航母称霸海上,无人机横行天空,恣意侵犯别国领空。美国在海外建立多处军事基地和在多国驻军,以便达到海外制衡的目的。

因此,在可预见的未来,美国的“一超”地位仍然稳固,没有他国可以取代。正如美国前国务卿基辛格博士所言:“美国的国力较二战结束初期和苏联解体后的上世纪90年代有所下滑。但是,不论和哪个国家相比,美国仍是十分强大的,并未衰退。”
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