The Difficulties in Taking Military Action in the US-Iran Conflict

Published in Guangming Daily News
(China) on 5 January 2012
by Fang Liang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jeffrey King. Edited by Derek Ha.
Just as the U.S. is about to begin its general elections, the tense relations between this superpower and Iran have reached a new boiling point. The armed forces of these two nations, which are confronting each other in the Strait of Hormuz, seem to be on the verge of breaking out. However, with the global economy still awaiting its rebound and America’s soft power facing challenges at every turn, it remains unclear whether or not Washington plans to use military force against the country serving as the backbone of one of the Muslim world’s two great antagonistic forces: The Shiites.

During Iran’s Velayat-90 naval war games, Iran test-fired several anti-ship missiles, resulting in a direct confrontation with the U.S. aircraft carrier battle group that had just left the Strait of Hormuz and was cruising to the Gulf of Oman. Russia’s Ministry of National Defense declared its position on the matter in a timely fashion by stating that Iran still does not have the technology to build mid-range ICBMs. This statement from Russia carried a bit of a peacemaking tone, but the confrontation between the U.S. and Iran, brought on by the exploitation of domestic public opinion by both, has yet to settle down. Then, just as the U.S. had withdrawn its aircraft carrier battle group to the Gulf of Oman, Tehran warned the U.S. to never allow their aircraft carrier to return to the Persian Gulf. The U.S., in true tit-for-tat fashion, stated that America will continue to station troops in the Persian Gulf just as it has been doing for the last few decades.

From these stances and actions, it is easy to tell that the anger between the two is high. However, there are other signs pointing to a different type of development. The news on Jan. 4 showed that a delegation from the International Atomic Energy Agency had accepted Iran’s invitation and will be visiting Iran. The crisis surrounding Iran’s nuclear issues stems from a report by the International Atomic Energy Agency stating that Iran had previously attempted to research and develop nuclear weapons. This report led to serious consequences, including a new round of sanctions by Europe and the U.S. and attacks on the British Embassy by Iranian students. It culminated in the recent standoff between these two main actors in the Persian Gulf.

Iran’s reaching out to the IAEA showed a rational side behind Tehran’s showy naval exercises and also gave America an “out.” With the general election nearing, Obama definitely does not want to appear weak when facing a bombastic Iran, but this also doesn’t mean that Obama wants to have a showdown with this powerful Middle Eastern country.

Iran has no need to show off its national and military might. Instead, blocking the Strait of Hormuz is enough to give Washington a taste of Iran’s power. The military exercises by Iran this time around are mostly designed to allow Iran the chance to practice blocking off the strait. If the situation develops to the point where the strait is truly blocked off, 40 percent of international crude oil will be unable to be shipped out; America’s loss will be unfathomable. The people most pleased by such an outcome would be those who depend on oil money to maintain their rule, such as Russia’s strongman Putin as he prepares to make a return to his throne, as well as Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez. This result is certainly not something Washington is unclear about.

If the U.S. does take military action against Iran, one of the main driving forces for such an action will be Iran’s nuclear program. If Iran is able to possess nuclear weapons, it will be a nightmare for the U.S.

In order to not allow this nightmare to happen, the U.S. will need to take military action against Iran. But as seen in the experiences from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this will not be an easy thing to endure. In this sense, the choice facing Washington is whether or not to endure a temporary loss of national power in exchange for peace and tranquility for America and the world, as well as how to go about evaluating such a temporary loss. In the current global setting, where the entire world is confused as to how to move forward as a result of the global financial crisis, this loss cannot be lightly defined. By understanding this loss, Washington is less likely to act rashly.


在美国大选拉开帷幕之际,这个超级大国与伊朗的紧张关系发展到了新的节点,两国武装力量在霍尔木兹海峡附近的对峙颇有一触即发的感觉。但是在全球金融危机尚未反弹、美国软硬实力皆面临考验的背景下,华盛顿是否真的打算对伊斯兰世界两大对抗性力量之一什叶派的顶梁柱国家动武,尚是未定之天。

  伊朗于“守卫90”的军演中试射了多枚反舰导弹,与刚刚从霍尔木兹海峡游弋至阿曼湾的美国航母战斗群迎面相撞。俄罗斯国防部适时地做出表态,称伊朗尚未掌握中程及洲际弹道导弹建造技术。此番表态多少有点“息事宁人”的意思,但美伊双方利用舆论展开的对抗却未有丝毫平复。德黑兰随后便警告刚刚将航母战斗群撤至阿曼湾的美方不要再让航母返回波斯湾。而美方则针锋相对地称,美方将继续在波斯湾驻军,正如过去几十年所做的那样。

  从表态和动作上看,双方“火气”都很大。但另外一些信息却透露出一些不一样的苗头,比如1月4日传来消息,应伊朗方面的邀请,国际原子能机构代表团将很快访问伊朗。围绕伊朗核问题的这一轮风波正是始自国际原子能机构有关伊朗曾试图研制核武器的一份报告。这份报告导致了欧美对伊新一轮制裁、伊朗学生冲击英国使馆等等一系列严重的结果,直至今日这场大戏的两大主角对峙波斯湾。

  伊朗主动接触国际原子能机构,揭示了德黑兰高调军演背后的理智一面,这也将给美国一个“台阶”。在总统大选的背景下,面对伊朗的高调,奥巴马当然不会示弱,但那毕竟不意味着真的要跟这个中东一强动真格的。

  伊朗国力与军力已不必强调,单是封锁霍尔木兹海峡这一招就足够华盛顿喝一壶。伊朗此番军演在很大程度上正是为了演练封锁海峡的手段。如果真的造成海峡被封锁的局面,则40%国际原油无法运出,美国的损失难以估量,而得意的将是即将再次登上总统宝座的俄强人普京以及委内瑞拉的查韦斯这些依靠石油美元维持统治的对头。这笔账华盛顿不会不清楚。

  如果美国对伊朗动武,一大驱动力是伊朗的核项目。伊朗如果真的拥有了核武器,对美国是一个噩梦。

  为了防止噩梦上演,美国要对伊朗动武,但以伊拉克、阿富汗两场战争的实践来看,对伊朗动武又是其难以承受的。这样,这就成了一个华盛顿是否愿意用国力一时的损失,来换美国及世界未来安宁的选择题,同时又是一个对这个“一时的损失”有多大的评估题。在整个世界都因为金融危机而前路迷茫的背景下,这个“损失”恐怕真不是能轻易下定论的。如此,华盛顿就更不会轻举妄动了。
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