A Bad Precedent

Published in El País
(Spain) on 1 August 2013
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michael Belzil. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Guilty of espionage, but not of aiding the enemy: That was the verdict read on Tuesday to the soldier Bradley Manning, who confessed to the largest leak of secret documents in the history of the United States. The military judge in charge of the case considered Manning responsible for 20 counts, including theft and multiple lesser charges, but did not find proof "beyond a reasonable doubt" that the former intelligence analyst intended to supply information to the terrorist network al-Qaida when he submitted nearly 700,000 classified diplomatic and military documents to the website WikiLeaks.

The verdict seems excessive, though it could have been worse had the court not dismissed the ridiculous accusation of treason, which would have resulted in a life sentence. The number of counts on which Manning was found guilty, especially those related to his release of state secrets, could mean a sentence of over 130 years in prison.

In an attempt to intimidate and set an example, not only did the accusation blow the dust off the crime of aiding the enemy, which had not been used since the American Civil War, but it also based its strategy on the Espionage Act of 1917, which had only led to one prior conviction. Civil rights organizations were alarmed by Manning's conviction on charges of leaking classified documents, a reaction fully justified by the consequences of this dangerous precedent on the freedom of speech and the freedom of the press. Labeling the release and publication of secret information as treason, indiscriminately and without proof, cripples the legitimate mechanisms for controlling the administration and very seriously threatens the freedom of information.

Obama has declared an all-out war on any leaks that he believes might endanger national security. There are at least seven secrecy violation and espionage cases awaiting judgment. These matters do fall under his responsibility, but it is equally necessary for the White House to be just as thorough when staying watchful and putting a stop to the abuses and crimes committed in the name of national security. In May, Obama committed to ending the counterterrorism policy that had permitted "exceptional" acts, from detaining individuals without charge to torture to large-scale acts of espionage such as those that have recently come to light following another leak. These events cast doubt on the sincerity of his commitment.

There is an inevitable similarity to be found between Manning and Edward Snowden, the analyst who has revealed the gigantic system of planet-wide telephone and Internet surveillance. Setting aside their different profiles, it is clear that the greatest protection that a government can have against leaks is neither to threaten freedoms nor to equate whistle-blowing to espionage, but rather to follow the law and defend the essence of democracy.


Culpable de espionaje, pero no de ayudar al enemigo. Ese es el veredicto emitido el martes contra el soldado Bradley Manning, autor confeso de la mayor filtración de documentos secretos de la historia de Estados Unidos. La juez militar del caso consideró a Manning responsable de una veintena de cargos (entre ellos robo y múltiples infracciones), pero no halló pruebas “más allá de la duda razonable” de que el exanalista de inteligencia pretendiera conscientemente aportar información a la red terrorista Al Qaeda cuando entregó al portal Wikileaks cerca de 700.000 documentos militares y diplomáticos clasificados.

El veredicto, que podría haber sido peor al acarrear una sentencia a perpetuidad si no se hubiera desestimado la disparatada acusación de traición, resulta excesivo en cualquier caso. Y la acumulación de cargos por los que Manning ha sido declarado culpable, especialmente los referidos a la filtración de secretos de Estado, puede suponerle más de 130 años de cárcel.

Tratando de fijar pautas de ejemplaridad e intimidación, la acusación no solo desempolvó un delito, el de colaboración con el enemigo, que no se utilizaba desde la guerra civil estadounidense, sino que basó su estrategia en la Ley de Espionaje de 1917, por la que hasta ahora solo había habido una condena. La alarma despertada en las organizaciones defensoras de los derechos civiles ante la condena por filtración de informaciones consideradas secretas está plenamente justificada por las consecuencias de este peligroso precedente para las libertades de expresión y de prensa. Catalogar como traición la filtración y publicación de datos secretos, sin mayores distinciones ni pruebas, cercena los mecanismos legítimos de control sobre la Administración y amenaza muy seriamente el derecho a la información.

Obama ha declarado una guerra sin cuartel a las filtraciones que en su opinión pongan en peligro la seguridad nacional. Hay al menos siete casos pendientes de juicio por espionaje y violación de secretos. Entra en la lógica de sus responsabilidades, pero es igualmente preciso que la Casa Blanca vigile y ponga coto con la misma intensidad a los atropellos y las ilegalidades cometidas en nombre de la seguridad. En mayo, Obama se comprometía a poner fin a la política antiterrorista que desde 2001 ha dado cobertura a actos “excepcionales”, desde detenciones sin cargos y torturas al espionaje masivo como el que acaba de salir a la luz mediante otra filtración. Los hechos cuestionan la sinceridad de su compromiso.

Es inevitable el paralelismo entre Manning y Edward Snowden, el analista que ha revelado el gigantesco sistema de control de llamadas y de Internet a nivel planetario. Dejando de lado el diferente perfil de ambos, está claro que la mejor protección que puede tener un Gobierno frente a las filtraciones no es amenazar las libertades ni equiparar la denuncia al espionaje, sino cumplir las leyes y defender la esencia de la democracia.
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