Colombia Bottomed Out
Published in El Periódico
(Guatemala) on 15 February 2015
by Luis Fernando Andrade Falla (link to original)
Colombia’s ex-President Alvaro Uribe Velez describes in his book “There Is No Lost Cause,” in the chapter titled “Confidence,” the chaotic and highly critical situation his country has been in since Aug. 7, 2002, when he assumed the presidency. “…The RAFC [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] launched at least 14 mortars in the center of Bogota, in an attempt to alter or force the cancellation of the presidential ceremony.” Three weeks later, the ministry of finance indicated, “We are ruined and have no money to pay the soldiers after October.”
It was estimated that when Alvaro Uribe was elected by 53 percent of the vote in the first round of elections in May of that year, the authorities did not have control over 30 percent of the national territory heavily influenced by the ideologically Marxist RAFC, as with the right-oriented paramilitary groups in different regions of the country, but all of them largely linked to powerful and extensive drug trafficking networks.
From the U.S. point of view, Colombia was, under the circumstances, becoming a serious threat not only to the stability of the Andes region, but also to its own national security. It was during the final stages of Democratic President Bill Clinton’s second term (1997-2001) when the first emergency assistance plan was created in place of the previously dominant Plan Colombia , the approval of which by the U.S. Congress represented in its initial phases a $700 million expenditure. Democratic Senator Joe Biden, Jr., who today occupies the office of vice president of the United States, contributed to the plan in an important way from within Congress. The Colombian ambassador in Washington, D.C., Luis Alberto Moreno (1998-2005), effectively contributed to this initiative gaining bipartisan support using his capability, talent and experience. The bill’s successful passing in Washington, D.C. solidified the necessary support for him to later be president-elect of the Inter-American Development Bank in 2005, continuing to date.
President Uribe (2002-2006, 2006-2010) successfully made a difference in Colombia and changed the dark outlook with defined leadership and unbreakable political will, along with unwavering support from the U.S. through Plan Colombia, which of course had variations and accommodations built in that aligned with Colombia’s own strategy.
However, a new phenomenon is emerging where we Guatemalans generally have not wanted to recognize, much less accept, that promoting reform and systematic changes is necessary. The situation in Guatemala, along with El Salvador and Honduras, has become a threat that seriously worries the White House due to vulnerability and risks to U.S. security. The serious humanitarian crisis of unaccompanied minors who last summer arrived at the U.S. southern border, overflowing the capacity of border security forces and normal attention given to irregular immigrants, showed the urgency required to address these three countries’ problems and challenges, particularly those in Guatemala.
Based on that, projects and initiatives are being discussed that could be incorporated into the aforementioned Central American plan, inspired by Plan Colombia and referred to as such by the vice president of the United States in his article published in The New York Times this past Jan. 29. Even so, it seemed that some of the official Guatemalan representatives at varying levels are not up to the task, government authorities assume unclear positions — one example is the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala — and political leaders are immersed in an electoral campaign that awakens neither interest nor confidence. Maybe Guatemala hasn’t bottomed out yet.
It was estimated that when Alvaro Uribe was elected by 53 percent of the vote in the first round of elections in May of that year, the authorities did not have control over 30 percent of the national territory heavily influenced by the ideologically Marxist RAFC, as with the right-oriented paramilitary groups in different regions of the country, but all of them largely linked to powerful and extensive drug trafficking networks.
From the U.S. point of view, Colombia was, under the circumstances, becoming a serious threat not only to the stability of the Andes region, but also to its own national security. It was during the final stages of Democratic President Bill Clinton’s second term (1997-2001) when the first emergency assistance plan was created in place of the previously dominant Plan Colombia , the approval of which by the U.S. Congress represented in its initial phases a $700 million expenditure. Democratic Senator Joe Biden, Jr., who today occupies the office of vice president of the United States, contributed to the plan in an important way from within Congress. The Colombian ambassador in Washington, D.C., Luis Alberto Moreno (1998-2005), effectively contributed to this initiative gaining bipartisan support using his capability, talent and experience. The bill’s successful passing in Washington, D.C. solidified the necessary support for him to later be president-elect of the Inter-American Development Bank in 2005, continuing to date.
President Uribe (2002-2006, 2006-2010) successfully made a difference in Colombia and changed the dark outlook with defined leadership and unbreakable political will, along with unwavering support from the U.S. through Plan Colombia, which of course had variations and accommodations built in that aligned with Colombia’s own strategy.
However, a new phenomenon is emerging where we Guatemalans generally have not wanted to recognize, much less accept, that promoting reform and systematic changes is necessary. The situation in Guatemala, along with El Salvador and Honduras, has become a threat that seriously worries the White House due to vulnerability and risks to U.S. security. The serious humanitarian crisis of unaccompanied minors who last summer arrived at the U.S. southern border, overflowing the capacity of border security forces and normal attention given to irregular immigrants, showed the urgency required to address these three countries’ problems and challenges, particularly those in Guatemala.
Based on that, projects and initiatives are being discussed that could be incorporated into the aforementioned Central American plan, inspired by Plan Colombia and referred to as such by the vice president of the United States in his article published in The New York Times this past Jan. 29. Even so, it seemed that some of the official Guatemalan representatives at varying levels are not up to the task, government authorities assume unclear positions — one example is the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala — and political leaders are immersed in an electoral campaign that awakens neither interest nor confidence. Maybe Guatemala hasn’t bottomed out yet.