Sanders, the Socialist Senator Who Is Shaking Up the Democratic Campaign

Published in La Nación
(Argentina) on 23 February 2020
by Rafael Mathus Ruiz (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lucas Armocida. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.

 

 

Bernie Sanders’ political revolution started with a victory of just 10 votes. In 1981, at the age of 39, Sanders became mayor of Burlington, Vermont, after defeating a historic Democratic leader who had been in office for almost a decade and was looking forward to his fifth term. This was Sanders’ first victory and a real political earthquake. From Burlington, Sanders made his career and created a movement that, after almost four decades, could take him to the White House.

If he succeeds, Sanders will make history: he will be the first Jewish president, the oldest (he would take office at the age of 79) and the first to call himself a “democratic socialist” in a country that fought socialism like no other.

Ever since he started on the path to the White House five years ago, Sanders’ disruptive profile has forced him to deal with resistance from the establishment and with those who do not believe it is possible for him to win. But after the victory in the Nevada caucuses, which boosted his lead in the Democratic primaries, Sanders is better positioned than any other candidate to become the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee and standard bearer. Sanders has come a long way from that morning of 2015, when he announced his first presidential campaign to a handful of reporters and photographers at a news conference that lasted just 10 minutes in the gardens of Congress. Just like Trump, nobody took him seriously.

“For most Americans, the reality is that they work longer hours for lower wages,” Sanders said at the time, adding that, “at exactly the same time, 99% of all new income generated in this country is going to the top 1%. How does it happen that the top 1% owns almost as much wealth as the bottom 90%? That type of economics is not only immoral, is not only wrong, it is unsustainable. It can’t continue.”

Sanders has been saying the same thing more or less for decades. The consistency of his message against inequality was the first quality highlighted by his followers, who soon started crowding stadiums, college and school gyms, theaters, parks or any other place in which Sanders happened to be making a campaign stop. Four years ago, Sanders lost the primary race to Hillary Clinton. But nevertheless, he won over young people, moved the Democratic agenda to the left and created a movement that allowed him to pursue another run.

“You can watch videos and interviews on the internet and see that he has been saying the same thing for 40 years. I love his consistency,” said Brenda Runnebaum, aged 42 and unemployed.* Early this month, Runnebaum traveled from Kansas City, Missouri, to Des Moines, Iowa to work as a volunteer in Sanders’ campaign. She was one of many young people that were there, including someone who had flown all the way from Ireland.

“He is not an ordinary politician. He is a humanitarian, an activist with a political position. That is why I support him,” Runnebaum concluded.*

The devotion that Sanders creates in his followers is counterbalanced by the panic of an establishment which is much keener on moderate politicians such as Clinton, Barack Obama, Joe Biden, Peter Buttigieg (the youngest candidate,) or Sanders’ nemesis, Mike Bloomberg. Trump generated the same feeling as he resolutely moved toward becoming the Republican Party’s presidential nominee.

Sanders proposes a radical transformation of the United States. His platform includes improving public health care and workers’ rights, increasing the minimum wage and taxes for the rich, and setting in motion Herculean investments to stop climate change. That would move the American superpower closer to Europe, Sanders’ model being Denmark.

Bloomberg plainly accused him of being a communist and Trump, who gives him the nickname of “crazy Bernie.” accused Sanders of proposing a socialist take-over in the United States, the country that tried the most to eradicate that ideology.

Sanders answered those claims in a recent interview with Fox News (affiliated with Trump) by saying that “we are living, in many ways, in a socialist society now.” Then, he emphasized that Trump, like many other billionaires, receives hundreds of millions of dollars in tax breaks and subsidies. “The difference between my socialism and Trump's socialism is I believe the government should help working families, not billionaires,” Sanders said.

Sanders’ record includes backing left-leaning leaders and regimes in Latin America. He refused to call Nicolás Maduro a dictator, and he denounced the coup against Evo Morales in Bolivia. In the past, he supported the Sandinistas in Nicaragua in the 80s and praised Daniel Ortega, and also praised some of the policies of the Castro brothers’ regime in Cuba, although he admitted it was a dictatorship.

So far, Sanders has survived resistance from the establishment, a heart attack that almost forced him to retire, and damage caused to his image by the most combative and inflexible branch of his movement, a group of radical followers contemptuously called the “Bernie Bros” by Sanders’ critics who have also been accused of being internet trolls.

To his supporters, Sanders is the only candidate capable of electrifying the electorate and uniting moderate and progressive Democrats to defeat Trump. Sanders wants to increase the base of Democratic voters, attract those disillusioned with Washington and those angry at Wall Street, in order to build a “multigenerational” and “multiracial” coalition from the left toward the center. To his critics, Sanders is a delirious populist who seduces crowds with empty promises and ideas so radical that it is impossible for him to convince the more moderate voters and independent voters needed to win. This is just what was said about Trump.

If there is a candidate that the White House seems to fear, it is Sanders. Many assume that Trump will surf to reelection if Sanders is the Democratic candidate. However, days ago, when he was asked about Bloomberg in the Oval Office of the White House, Trump criticized him and said he would rather face Bloomberg than Sanders.

“Look, he is a lightweight. He is a lightweight,” Trump said about Sanders.** “You are going to find that out. He is also one of the worst debaters I have ever seen. And his presence is zero. So, he will spend his 3, 4, $500 million. Maybe they will take it away. Frankly, I would rather run against Bloomberg than Bernie Sanders, because Sanders has real followers, whether you like them or not, whether you agree with them or not. I happen to think it is terrible what he says, but he has followers.”

*Editor’s note: Although accurately translated, this remark could not be independently verified.

**Editor’s note: The editors believe the author intended this reference to be about Michael Bloomberg.


La revolución política de Bernie Sanders empezó con un triunfo por apenas diez votos. En 1981, con solo 39 años, Sanders se convirtió en alcalde de Burlington, Vermont, tras derrotar a un histórico dirigente demócrata que llevaba casi una década al frente de la ciudad y buscaba su quinto mandato. F ue su primera victoria, y un verdadero terremoto político. Desde Burlington, Sanders construyó una carrera y un movimiento que, casi cuatro décadas después, puede llevarlo hasta la Casa Blanca.

Si lo logra, Sanders hará historia: será el primer presidente judío, el más viejo -juraría con 79 años- y el primero que se define como "demócrata socialista" en un país que combatió como ningún otro al socialismo.

Desde que comenzó a recorrer el camino hacia la Casa Blanca, hace ya cinco años, ese perfil rupturista ha llevado a Sanders a lidiar con la resistencia del establishment y el descreimiento de que pueda llegar a ganar. Pero luego de su triunfo en el caucus de Nevada, que reforzó su liderazgo en la interna demócrata, Sanders quedó mejor posicionado que cualquier otro candidato para capturar la candidatura presidencial, y convertirse en el abanderado de los demócratas. Lejos quedó aquella mañana de 2015, cuando Sanders anunció su primera campaña presidencial ante un puñado de periodistas y fotógrafos en una conferencia de prensa que duró apenas diez minutos en los jardines del Congreso. Al igual que a Donald Trump, nadie lo tomó en serio.

"Para la mayoría de los norteamericanos, su realidad es que trabajan más horas por salarios más bajos", dijo en ese momento Sanders. "Al mismo tiempo, el 99 por ciento del ingreso nuevo generado en el país va al 1% más alto. ¿Cómo puede ser que el 1% más alto tiene casi tanta riqueza como el 90 por ciento más bajo? Esa economía no sólo es inmoral, no sólo está mal. Es insostenible. No puede seguir", continuó.

Palabras más, palabras menos, Sanders ha dicho lo mismo durante décadas. Esa consistencia en su mensaje contra la desigualdad es la primera cualidad que destacan sus seguidores, que pronto comenzaron a llenar estadios, gimnasios en colegios y universidades, teatros, parques o cualquier lugar donde hiciera un acto de campaña. Cuatro años atrás, Sanders perdió la interna ante Hillary Clinton, pero se ganó a los jóvenes, corrió la agenda de los demócratas a la izquierda, y creó un movimiento que lo esperó para ir por la revancha.

"Podés ver todas las entrevistas y videos en Internet para ver como ha estado diciendo las mismas cosas durante 40 años. Amo su consistencia", dijo Brenda Runnebaum, 42 años, desempleada. A principios de mes, Runnebaum viajó desde Kansas City, en Missouri, hasta Des Moines para trabajar como voluntaria para la campaña de Sanders. Era una más entre varios jóvenes, incluido uno que se había tomado un avión desde Irlanda.

"No es un político típico. Es un humanitario, un activista que tiene un cargo político. Por eso lo apoyo", cerró.

Esa devoción que despierta Sanders entre sus seguidores tiene como contracara el pánico del establishment, mucho más afecto a políticos moderados como los Clinton, Barack Obama, Joe Biden o incluso Peter Buttigieg, el candidato más joven en carrera, o Mike Bloomberg, némesis de Sanders. Es el mismo sentimiento que despertaba Trump cuando avanzada a paso firme a la candidatura presidencial de los republicanos.

Sanders propone una transformación radical de Estados Unidos. Su plataforma, que incluye ampliar la salud pública y los derecho de los trabajadores, subir el salario mínimo y aumentar los impuestos a los más ricos, y poner en marcha una hercúlea inversión para combatir el cambio climático, acercaría a la primera potencia global a Europa. Sanders ha puesto como modelo a Dinamarca. Bloomberg lo acusó lisa y llanamente de abogar por el comunismo, y Trump, que lo bautizó "Loco Bernie", de querer imponer el socialismo en Estados Unidos, el país que más esfuerzos hizo para erradicar esa ideología.

La respuesta de Sanders: "En muchos aspectos, somos una sociedad socialista", dijo en una entrevista reciente con el canal de noticias Fox, afín a Trump. Sanders recordó que Trump, como otros multimillonarios, obtiene cientos de millones de dólares en exenciones impositivas y subsidios. "La diferencia entre mi socialismo y el socialismo de Trump es que yo creo que el gobierno debería ayudar a las familias trabajadoras, no a los multimillonarios", cerró.

Su archivo incluye respaldos a líderes y regímenes de izquierda en América latina. Sanders se ha negado a llamar dictador a Nicolás Maduro, y denunció un golpe de estado contra Evo Morales en Bolivia. Antes, apoyó a los sandinistas en Nicaragua en los 80 y llamó a Daniel Ortega "un tipo impresionante", y elogió algunas políticas del régimen de los Castro en Cuba, aunque sí ha dicho que es una dictadura.

Sanders ha sobrevivido hasta ahora la resistencia del establishment, un ataque cardíaco que pareció dejarlo fuera de la carrera, y el daño a su imagen causado por el ala más combativa e intransigente de su movimiento, un grupo de seguidores radicales a quienes sus críticos denostan con el peyorativo "Bernie Bros", y los acusan de ser "trolls" en las redes sociales.

Para sus partidarios, Sanders es el único candidato capaz de electrificar al electorado, y unir a progresistas y moderados demócratas para derrotar a Trump. Sanders quiere ampliar la base de votante demócratas, traer a los desencantados con Washington y molestos con Wall Street para ensamblar una coalición "multigeneracional" y "multirracial", desde la izquierda hacia el centro. Para sus críticos, Sanders es poco menos que un delirante, un populista que seduce a multitudes con promesas incumplibles e ideas tan radicales que es imposible logre convencer a los votantes más moderados y a los independientes para poder ganar. Tal como se decía de Trump.

Pero si hay un candidato al que parecen temer en la Casa Blanca, es Bernie Sanders. Muchos dan por sentado que si Sanders es candidato, Trump surfeará a su reelección. Pero, días atrás, cuando le preguntaron por Bloomberg en el Salón Oval de la Casa Blanca, Trump lo deshilachó y dijo que preferiría enfrentarlo antes que a Sanders.

"Miren, es un peso ligero. Es un peso ligero", dijo Trump sobre Sanders. "Lo van a descubrir. También es uno de los peores en debates que he visto. Y su presencia es cero. Entonces, va a gastar sus tres, cuatro, cinco millones de dólares. Quizás lo ayuden. Francamente, prefiero enfrentarme a Bloomberg que a Bernie Sanders -afirmó el presidente-, porque Sanders tiene seguidores reales, te guste o no, estés de acuerdo con él o no. Creo que es terrible lo que dice. Pero tiene seguidores".
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Germany: Peace Report 2025: No Common Ground with Trump

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations

Topics

Mexico: Migration: A Political Crisis?

Poland: Los Angeles Riots: Battle for America’s Future

Germany: Donald Trump Is Damaging the US

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations

Canada: Trump vs. Musk, the Emperor and the Oligarch

Russia: Trump Is Shielding America*

Germany: Peace Report 2025: No Common Ground with Trump

Related Articles

Germany: Donald Trump Is Damaging the US

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Israel: The President Who Forgot History: Trump Blames Biden for Wave of Antisemitism

Poland: Donald Trump — Elon Musk’s Worst Investment Yet

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations