Approval for Relocation to Henoko: An Important Step toward Strengthening US-Japan Alliance

Published in Yomiuri Shimbun
(Japan) on 28 December 2013
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Taylor Cazella. Edited by Phillip Shannon.
Wanting to Hasten the Reduction of Okinawa's Burdens

After the various derailments that have come to pass since the U.S.-Japan joint agreement in 1996, this is an important step toward resolving the problem of relocating the U.S. military's Futenma airfield. Hirokazu Nakaima, the governor of the Okinawa prefecture, approved the reclamation of public waterways to facilitate the relocation of Futenma airfield to Henoko, Nago City.

In the past 17 years, as the biggest unaddressed issue between the U.S. and Japan, much time and effort was poured into the problem that Futenma poses. There are complexities to consider for the Japanese and U.S. governments, Okinawa prefecture, Nago City, the U.S. military and several other places; it is a difficult problem for many.

Definitively putting an end to the problem, without squandering the hardships encountered up until now, holds great significance for building a stronger and more sustainable alliance amidst the deteriorating conditions of Japan's national security.

Evaluating the Governor's Decision

This was likely a bitter decision for Governor Nakaima. At first he supported relocation to Henoko under certain conditions. However, because former Democratic Prime Minister Hatoyama irresponsibly raised the hopes and expectations of the prefecture's citizens by promising that Henoko would “at the very least [be relocated] outside of the prefecture,” he had no choice but to tout this as a public promise for his second-term gubernatorial election.

It is certain, however, that if Hatoyama does not approve the reclamation project, Futenma airfield's hazardous current condition could become permanent.

At a press conference, in regard to his approving the reclamation project, Hatoyama stressed that his “thinking that relocating outside of the prefecture would be faster remains unchanged.” He also stated that they have “determined that the project conforms to the standards” set by the government's environmental conservation measures.

Regarding the problem of Okinawa's U.S. military bases, there is a conflict between two methodologies: one aims for a radical withdrawal of the bases, while the other promotes a gradual reduction of their burdens. The governor gives preference to a steady burden reduction, and we'd like to appreciate the fact that he made a practical choice.

Relocating to Henoko not only distances the massive Futenma airfield from a densely populated area, it also accelerates the transfer of Marines in Okinawa to Guam. This will lead to a large-scale reduction of burdens throughout the entire prefecture and will also be helpful for the development of Okinawa.

The governor's decision is being criticized by those opposed to the relocation to Henoko; however, it can be expected that the future [that this decision brings about] will be highly esteemed.

The Risk that the Abe Administration Took

We would also like to support the efforts of the Abe administration, which backed the governor's decision.

Things such as the opening of negotiations for a new U.S.-Japan joint agreement regarding environmental research within U.S. military bases, the relocation of training exercises and shortening the time frame for the restoration of Futenma airfield and Camp Kinser have been indicated as plans to reduce the burden of military bases.

The objective of restoration after nine to 12 years is the result of fierce U.S.-Japan negotiation; the acceleration of that time frame that the governor is pushing for is no simple matter. Nevertheless, the Japanese and U.S. governments should invest their greatest possible effort into the endeavor.

The relocation of the Osprey — a U.S. military transport vehicle — training exercises to outside of the prefecture was also meant to share Okinawa's burden with the entirety of Japan. They would like the assertive cooperation of all municipalities involved.

The U.S. government has been very discreet in its revisions of the U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement. However, negotiations for a new arrangement to complement the existing SOFA will be made to address that point. Prior environmental research, conducted within U.S. military bases slated for restoration, supports the utilization of those sites. We'd like to see them aim for an agreement that allows them to investigate at a quicker pace.

As a plan to promote Okinawa, Prime Minister Abe has promised to add to next year's budget things that indicate the utmost consideration. There is a guaranteed annual budget in the area of 300 billion yen; an annual sum of 5 billion yen will also be included in the calculation for a plan to promote the northern part of the prefecture.

These are unprecedentedly generous measures to take in such a strict economic climate, but to resolve a difficult problem, they may be unavoidable. However, had the Democratic administration stopped the Futenma problem from straying as it did, such an egregiously large burden would probably never have been placed on the citizenry.

That the Abe administration was able to acquire the approval of Okinawa prefecture is big in that it developed a trusting relationship with Governor Nakaima and prepared for the risk of a strike against the administration in a time of dissent. For that reason in particular, the governor also took the risk of being criticized by the people of his prefecture.

The prime minister, while valuing the trust he has with the governor, ought to invest all of his power into both reducing the burden on Okinawa and maintaining the U.S. military's ability to deter incoming attacks.

To Put Forth an Effort To Attain the Understanding of the Local Areas Involved

There are still issues that will exist until the relocation of the Futenma airfield actually comes about. The mayoral election on Jan. 19 appears as though it will come to a one-on-one showdown between the incumbent, who is opposed to relocation, and the prefectural assembly before approval.

The previous mayor has withdrawn his name from the race, and the group in favor of approval is unified; nonetheless, there's no way to predict the outcome of the election.

Essentially, a situation in which regional elections affect the course of Japan's national security ought to be avoided. Bearing that in mind, that the mayor set the approval period to within the year before the mayoral election was appropriate.

Granted, the mayor of Nago City has no power to stop the relocation to Henoko, but to say that it would be preferable to receive Nago City's cooperation in the smooth construction of provisional facilities is only natural.

It can only be hoped that the government and party in power will continue to politely explain the significance and usefulness of relocating to Henoko, and to exhaust all their efforts at expanding a sense of understanding among the people of those areas.


辺野古移設承認 日米同盟強化へ重要な前進だ(12月28日付・読売社説)
 ◆沖縄の負担軽減を加速させたい

 1996年の日米合意以来、様々な曲折を経てきた米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題の解決に向けて重要な前進である。

 沖縄県の仲井真弘多知事が、普天間飛行場の名護市辺野古への移設に伴う公有水面埋め立てを承認した。

 普天間問題はこの17年間、日米間の最大の懸案で、膨大な時間と精力が注がれてきた。日米両政府、沖縄県、名護市、米軍など多くの関係者が複雑な事情を抱える、困難な連立方程式だからだ。

 これまでの苦労を無駄にせず、難題を克服することは、日本の安全保障環境が悪化する中、同盟関係をより強靱きょうじんで持続可能なものにするという大きな意義を持つ。

 ◆知事の決断を評価する

 仲井真知事にとっては、まさに苦渋の決断だったろう。

 当初は、辺野古移設を条件付きで支持していたが、民主党の鳩山首相が「最低でも県外移設」と県民の期待を無責任に煽あおったため、2期目の知事選公約に「県外移設」を掲げざるを得なくなった。

 しかし、埋め立てを承認しなければ、普天間飛行場の危険な現状が長期間にわたって固定化されてしまうのは確実だ。

 知事は記者会見で、埋め立てを承認した理由について、「県外移設の方が早いとの考えは変わらない」と強調しつつ、政府の環境保全措置などが「基準に適合していると判断した」と語った。

 沖縄の米軍基地問題では常に、基地の抜本的な撤去を目指すか、段階的な負担軽減を進めるか、という方法論の対立がある。知事が着実な負担軽減を優先し、現実的選択をしたことを評価したい。

 辺野古移設は、広大な普天間飛行場を人口密集地から過疎地に移すうえ、在沖縄海兵隊のグアム移転を促進する副次的効果を持つ。県全体で大幅な負担軽減となり、沖縄の発展にも役立とう。

 知事の決断は、辺野古移設反対派から批判されているが、将来は高く評価されるはずだ。

 ◆リスク取った安倍政権

 知事の判断を後押しした安倍政権の努力も支持したい。

 基地負担の軽減策として、普天間飛行場や牧港補給地区の返還期間の短縮や訓練移転、米軍基地内の環境調査に関する新たな日米協定の協議開始などを示した。

 9~12年後の返還目標は、激しい日米交渉の結果で、知事の求める前倒しは簡単ではないが、日米両政府は最大限努力すべきだ。

 米軍輸送機オスプレイの訓練の県外移転も、沖縄の負担を日本全体で分かち合うため、関係自治体は積極的に協力してほしい。

 米政府は従来、日米地位協定の改定に慎重だったが、地位協定を補足する新協定の協議には応じることになった。返還予定の米軍基地内での事前の環境調査は跡地利用を促進する。より早い段階から調査できる合意を目指したい。

 沖縄振興策でも、安倍首相は、来年度予算の積み増しに加え、2021年度まで毎年3000億円台の予算確保を約束するなど、最大限の配慮を示した。県北部振興策にも毎年50億円を計上する。

 厳しい財政事情の中、異例の優遇措置だが、難局を打開するためにはやむを得まい。ただ、民主党政権が普天間問題を迷走させなければ、これほど巨額の国民負担は生じなかったろう。

 安倍政権が沖縄県の承認を得られたのは、不承認時の政権への打撃というリスクも覚悟し、一貫してぶれずに、仲井真知事との信頼関係を築いたことが大きい。だからこそ、知事も県民からの批判というリスクを取ったのだろう。

 首相は、知事との信頼を大切にしながら、米軍の抑止力の維持と沖縄の負担軽減の両立に全力を挙げなければなるまい。

 ◆地元の理解得る努力を

 普天間飛行場の辺野古移設の実現までには、まだ課題もある。

 来月19日の名護市長選は、移設に反対する現職と、容認する前県議の一騎打ちとなる見通しだ。

 前市長が出馬を取りやめ、容認派が一本化されたが、選挙結果は予断を許さない。

 本来、一地方選が日本の安全保障の行方を左右するような事態は避けるべきだ。その意味でも、知事が承認時期を市長選前の年内にしたのは適切だった。

 名護市長には、辺野古移設を中止させる権限はないにせよ、代替施設の建設工事をより円滑に実施するには、名護市の協力を得られた方が望ましいのは当然だ。

 政府・与党は引き続き、辺野古移設の意義と効用を丁寧に説明して、地元関係者の理解を広げる努力を尽くすことが求められる。

(2013年12月28日01時32分 読売新聞)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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