The reaction to the remarks from the North American “establishment” against Chavez has begun. It was time. It has been almost 11 years since this cowboy began committing misdeeds upon half the planet. The starting signal was given on the eighth of September by Robert Morgenthau, fiscal general of Manhattan. Morgenthau denounced Chavez in front of the Brookings Institution, and his comments were not ignored by the White House or by Congress, the two powers responsible for national security.
What did he say? He spoke of the links between Venezuela and Iran, the development of nuclear arms among the two countries and their objective to threaten the United States, just like what happened in 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis. He noted how the Venezuelan banking system has converted itself into a Laundromat of drug dollars, and a shortcut for Iran to evade the trade restrictions from Washington towards Iranian transactions.
The consequences of Morgenthau’s speech were immediate. The three largest newspapers — The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal — published articles and editorials. The most influential television programs and blogs made note of it as well. There is no reliable intellectual that will not admit that Chavez is a tenacious enemy dedicated to harming North Americans in all possible scenarios; yet what will not stop being ironic is that the United States buys 80 percent of Venezuela’s oil.
Chavez is converting himself into a Noriega of the twenty-first century. Manuel Noriega was a Panamanian narco-dictator and ex-collaborator with the CIA. He established strong links to Cuban and Columbian narco-traffickers, rented national territory as an intermediary highway for the shipment of cocaine to the U.S. and was involved in money laundering. He also threatened the U.S. military, which were at that time occupying bases situated near the Panama Canal. Through much indecision, and with an administration divided over the type of response they must give, President George Herbert Walker Bush finally ordered the invasion. It began December 19, 1989, and was successfully concluded the next day.
Latin American governments protested without much energy; nobody wanted to associate themselves with a completely discredited narco-dictator. The overwhelming majority of Panamanians endorsed the invasion.
Will history repeat itself? It is highly unlikely for the same situation to recur, but it is probable that a powerful sector of the U.S. government will attempt to remove this dangerous enemy of democracy from power.
Comenzó la reacción del ‘establishment’ norteamericano contra Chávez. Ya era hora. Hace casi 11 años que este caballero anda haciendo fechorías por medio planeta. El pistoletazo de salida lo dio el pasado 8 de septiembre Robert Mortgenthau, fiscal general de Manhattan. Mortgenthau hizo su denuncia ante el Brookings Institution de Washington, influyente ‘think-tank’ próximo al Partido Demócrata, de manera que sus revelaciones no fueran ignoradas por la Casa Blanca y el Congreso, los dos poderes responsables de la seguridad nacional.
¿Qué dijo? Habló de los lazos de Venezuela e Irán y del desarrollo de armas nucleares entre los dos países con el objeto de amenazar a Estados Unidos, como sucedió con Cuba en 1962 durante la Crisis de los Misiles. Contó cómo el sistema bancario venezolano se había convertido en un lavadero de narcodólares y en un atajo para que Irán burlara las restricciones impuestas por Washington a las transacciones iraníes.
Las consecuencias de la charla de Mortgenthau fueron inmediatas. Los tres grandes diarios -The New York Times, The Washignton Post y The Wall Street Journal- publicaron artículos y editoriales. La televisión y los blogs más influyentes se hicieron eco. Ya no hay ninguna persona intelectualmente solvente que no admita que Chávez es un tenaz enemigo dedicado a perjudicar a los norteamericanos en todos los escenarios posibles, lo que no deja de ser una ironía, ya que EE.UU. compra a Venezuela 80% de su petróleo.
Chávez se está convirtiendo en el Noriega del siglo XXI. Manuel Noriega fue el narcodictador panameño, ex colaborador de la CIA, que estableció fuertes lazos con Cuba y los narcotraficantes colombianos, alquilando el territorio nacional como pista intermedia para el envío de cocaína a EE.UU. y el sistema bancario para lavar dólares, mientras imprudentemente acosaba y amenazaba a los militares norteamericanos que entonces ocupaban las bases situadas en la zona del Canal de Panamá. Tras muchas vacilaciones, y con una administración dividida sobre el tipo de respuesta que debía dar EE.UU., finalmente el presidente George Bush (padre) ordenó la invasión. Comenzó el 19 de diciembre de 1989 y el día 20 ya había concluido exitosamente.
Los gobiernos latinoamericanos protestaron sin energía: nadie quería colocarse junto a un narcodictador totalmente desacreditado. La inmensa mayoría de los panameños respaldó el hecho.
¿Se volverá a repetir esa vieja historia? Es difícil que suceda de la misma manera, pero es probable que un sector importante del gobierno norteamericano ya le esté sugiriendo al presidente Obama que arbitre medios para desalojar del poder a este peligroso enemigo de la democracia.
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The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.