The Vision of Obama
Published in ABC Journal
(Spain) on July 26th, 2008
by Juan Pedro Quinonero (link to original)
(Spain) on July 26th, 2008
by Juan Pedro Quinonero (link to original)
Translated from
by Anthony Venezia.
Edited by .
The Vision of Obama
As of today, Barack Obama has demonstrated very limited knowledge, interest and understanding of the interests and vision of the world from Berlin, London, Paris, Rome and Madrid.
Madrid (Zapatero) and Rome (Berlusconi) are abstract and insignificant capitols in his international tour in spite of the possibly crucial importance of the Hispanic vote, the turbulences of South America or the historic influence of Spanish culture on the American continent, from California all the way down to the Strait of Magellan.
In Berlin, the lyrical calls for a peaceful global citizenship are applauded more loudly in the street than in the clear request of “greater participation in the fight for global security.” The proposal of Senator Obama of increasing allied military participation in Afghanistan doesn’t really spark a frenetic enthusiasm in the coalition led government of Angela Merkel either. And the remembrance of the historic resistance of the people of Berlin is a bitter parallel for the people of Baghdad: the freedom of Berlin during the Cold War rested in the military determination of Washington.
In London and Paris, “Global peace without nuclear weapons” is a phrase taken with a grain of salt and a distant and ironic smile. Nuclear weapons will continue to be the pillar and foundation of the entire defense systems of both France and Britain. Paris played a determinate role when the hour came to furnish atomic weapons to Israel, where nuclear dissuasion will continue to be perceived as the last resort in assuring the existence of that nation.
Bitter and tragic histories, whose understanding will continue to be indispensable in assuring at least a minimal transatlantic dialogue.
Until today, Senator Obama preferred to elude such questions, questions that have bottomless historical roots, both European and American, intimately intertwined. The security of the Western Mediterranean and the position of Europe regarding the security of the United States are dramas played out live and in the flesh, but are not quite compatible with the public orchestrations of the presumed humanism that ignores them.
As of today, Barack Obama has demonstrated very limited knowledge, interest and understanding of the interests and vision of the world from Berlin, London, Paris, Rome and Madrid.
Madrid (Zapatero) and Rome (Berlusconi) are abstract and insignificant capitols in his international tour in spite of the possibly crucial importance of the Hispanic vote, the turbulences of South America or the historic influence of Spanish culture on the American continent, from California all the way down to the Strait of Magellan.
In Berlin, the lyrical calls for a peaceful global citizenship are applauded more loudly in the street than in the clear request of “greater participation in the fight for global security.” The proposal of Senator Obama of increasing allied military participation in Afghanistan doesn’t really spark a frenetic enthusiasm in the coalition led government of Angela Merkel either. And the remembrance of the historic resistance of the people of Berlin is a bitter parallel for the people of Baghdad: the freedom of Berlin during the Cold War rested in the military determination of Washington.
In London and Paris, “Global peace without nuclear weapons” is a phrase taken with a grain of salt and a distant and ironic smile. Nuclear weapons will continue to be the pillar and foundation of the entire defense systems of both France and Britain. Paris played a determinate role when the hour came to furnish atomic weapons to Israel, where nuclear dissuasion will continue to be perceived as the last resort in assuring the existence of that nation.
Bitter and tragic histories, whose understanding will continue to be indispensable in assuring at least a minimal transatlantic dialogue.
Until today, Senator Obama preferred to elude such questions, questions that have bottomless historical roots, both European and American, intimately intertwined. The security of the Western Mediterranean and the position of Europe regarding the security of the United States are dramas played out live and in the flesh, but are not quite compatible with the public orchestrations of the presumed humanism that ignores them.
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