U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: It Seems That Now, Yes
Published in El Tiempo
(Colombia) on 8 January 2011
by Mauricio Cárdenas (link to original)
(Colombia) on 8 January 2011
by Mauricio Cárdenas (link to original)
Translated from
by Esther French.
Edited by June Polewko.
This week in the United States the 94 new members of Congress elected last November took possession [of their seats]. Of them, 85 belong to the Republican Party, which now has the majority, with 242 seats, opposite 193 belonging to the Democratic Party. With this new political reality, many things are changing in Washington, for the good of Colombia.
Of course, the most important theme is the approval of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. Last year ended with a complete shock when the White House spokesman said that the administration would move forward with the approval of the trade agreement with South Korea, but not with those of Colombia and Panama, because “it doesn’t have the votes.” This improvised explanation does not appear certain. What’s behind this is that the White House wants to give priority to the treaty with South Korea because it was able to renegotiate it, increasing the quota of vehicles that the United States will be able to sell in the South Korean market. The United Auto Workers, which represents automobile sector workers, remained content and gave its support to the agreement.
The person who does not agree is the powerful Rich Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, the main labor union in the United States, who met with President Obama practically the same day that he made the announcement about the treaties. You don’t have to be very suspicious to think that what’s behind this is a transaction between the White House and the unions, in which we carry the worst part. Seeing as Vice President Garzón announced that he will visit Washington, he should meet with his former union colleagues and complain about this maneuver.
It will not be, in any case, the labor unions that help us; rather, it will be the new political reality imposed by the Republican majority. In order to manage the new environment, there’s been a real upheaval in the White House, beginning with the naming of William Daley, former secretary of commerce during the Clinton administration, as the new head of the cabinet.
With his arrival, the influence of the business sector and commercial interests of the United States grows. From now on, Colombian diplomacy has to put its focus on Daley, who understands perfectly that the free trade agreement with Colombia is not a threat to U.S. workers, but rather an opportunity to achieve the ambitious objective of doubling U.S. exports.
Although changes in the executive branch count, there is no doubt that what is most important is the new congressional majority. The Republicans, with John Boehner at their head, support the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. So much so that this same Boehner has suggested that they package the three treaties and execute them with a single voting session. John McCain’s visit to Colombia surely will reinforce this support.
The Republican majority also wants to promote a change in the relations between the United States and Venezuela, which have been calm during the last two years. The radical line of this party, headed by Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the Cuban American who will preside over the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has left the possibility of declaring Venezuela a state that supports terrorism, in addition to imposing sanctions on it for selling gasoline to Iran, despite the U.N. resolution which prohibits it. This would be repeating the error of the policy toward Cuba, where the sanctions have more strengthened than debilitated the regime.
But even if they do not reach these extremes, there will be changes. Arturo Valenzuela, assistant secretary of state, affirmed this week that the qualifying law that gives legislative powers to President Chávez is an antidemocratic measure that violates the Inter-American Democratic Charter. This is a call to the OAS to intervene in the matter and abandon the passivity of the last few years.
Of course, the most important theme is the approval of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. Last year ended with a complete shock when the White House spokesman said that the administration would move forward with the approval of the trade agreement with South Korea, but not with those of Colombia and Panama, because “it doesn’t have the votes.” This improvised explanation does not appear certain. What’s behind this is that the White House wants to give priority to the treaty with South Korea because it was able to renegotiate it, increasing the quota of vehicles that the United States will be able to sell in the South Korean market. The United Auto Workers, which represents automobile sector workers, remained content and gave its support to the agreement.
The person who does not agree is the powerful Rich Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, the main labor union in the United States, who met with President Obama practically the same day that he made the announcement about the treaties. You don’t have to be very suspicious to think that what’s behind this is a transaction between the White House and the unions, in which we carry the worst part. Seeing as Vice President Garzón announced that he will visit Washington, he should meet with his former union colleagues and complain about this maneuver.
It will not be, in any case, the labor unions that help us; rather, it will be the new political reality imposed by the Republican majority. In order to manage the new environment, there’s been a real upheaval in the White House, beginning with the naming of William Daley, former secretary of commerce during the Clinton administration, as the new head of the cabinet.
With his arrival, the influence of the business sector and commercial interests of the United States grows. From now on, Colombian diplomacy has to put its focus on Daley, who understands perfectly that the free trade agreement with Colombia is not a threat to U.S. workers, but rather an opportunity to achieve the ambitious objective of doubling U.S. exports.
Although changes in the executive branch count, there is no doubt that what is most important is the new congressional majority. The Republicans, with John Boehner at their head, support the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. So much so that this same Boehner has suggested that they package the three treaties and execute them with a single voting session. John McCain’s visit to Colombia surely will reinforce this support.
The Republican majority also wants to promote a change in the relations between the United States and Venezuela, which have been calm during the last two years. The radical line of this party, headed by Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the Cuban American who will preside over the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has left the possibility of declaring Venezuela a state that supports terrorism, in addition to imposing sanctions on it for selling gasoline to Iran, despite the U.N. resolution which prohibits it. This would be repeating the error of the policy toward Cuba, where the sanctions have more strengthened than debilitated the regime.
But even if they do not reach these extremes, there will be changes. Arturo Valenzuela, assistant secretary of state, affirmed this week that the qualifying law that gives legislative powers to President Chávez is an antidemocratic measure that violates the Inter-American Democratic Charter. This is a call to the OAS to intervene in the matter and abandon the passivity of the last few years.