How Many Years Will the Sino-U.S. Joint Statement Be Effective?

Published in Zaobao
(Singapore) on 31 January 2011
by Chen Youwei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sharon Chiao. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
It has been many days since Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to the U.S., but the China-U.S. summit is still making waves, and continues to receive global attention and public opinion analysis.

The 1972 visit to China by Nixon marked a historic breakthrough in Sino-U.S. relations when enemies became friends. In 1979, Deng Xiaoping visited America with the intention of uniting with the U.S. against the USSR and seeking good economic fortune from the U.S. However, this year’s China-U.S. summit is like two peaks towering above the surrounding hills; it shows that the world’s two most powerful countries are equally determined to implement strong cooperation within global confines.

Summit Covered the Development of the World’s Situation

Hu and Obama’s White House summit showed the world the new attitude and stage of Sino-U.S. relations. The Sino-U.S. joint statement established specifications and blueprints for all-round cooperation between the two countries. This joint statement also shows both countries’ common concern over the development of global peace. Obama appreciates China’s peaceful rise, and Hu Jintao welcomes the U.S. to participate in Asia-Pacific affairs. This mutual commitment and the innovative spirit of mutual understanding cannot help but remind one of the ancient Chinese wisdom of Confucius: “harmony but not uniformity” and “wishing to be enriched himself, he seeks also to enrich others.”

Looking for a superpower summit attended by two antagonistic countries with different social systems in the second half of the 20th century, only the 1959 Camp David Conference between American President Eisenhower and Soviet Premier Khrushchev is comparable to the Hu and Obama meeting. However, during that year, the meeting of these two superpowers was limited to stopping global nuclear war and implementing a peaceful coexistence. Soviet-American relations were purely political and not economic. There was only mutual restraint, but there lacked mutual need; the meeting did not involve discussion of global development issues. However, this time, the Sino-U.S. summit meeting’s topic not only focused on promoting mutually beneficial cooperation, but also covered international relations and global development. It was truly a world summit meeting. If China and America work together, then there will be global security; however, if China and America fight, then there will be a global crisis. For reasons previously mentioned, the Hu and Obama summit has received the world’s attention.

Of course, regardless of how China and America stress cooperation and taking care of each other’s interests, it cannot change the fact that this is the essence of the relationship between an existing superpower and a rising superpower. This relationship is characterized by bilateral competitiveness and interests being at odds with each other, which is why there is a need to establish some coordination mechanisms and mutual prosperity. From this viewpoint, this China and U.S. summit’s great significance and influential importance must be fully recognized.

A Joint Statement Cannot Possibly Eliminate Bilateral Contradictions

However, while the world’s praises slowly diminish, people will inevitably ask: Can China and America’s greatest desires eliminate the contradictions that exist between them? Can that joint statement dictate changes in Sino-U.S. relations for the next 30 years? Perhaps the answer is that there are fewer believers and more doubters. I have heard that in some private American discussions, they believe that this joint statement’s control will last less than a year. A new arms sale between the U.S. and Taiwan is approaching, which will inevitably lead to some disputes.

In the joint statement, China has stressed that the Taiwan issue “concerns China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” and the U.S. has expressed that it “follows its One China policy and abides by the principles of the three U.S.-China joint communiqués.” However, China is opposed to the arms sale and the U.S. has not committed to stopping the arms sales, thus their differences remains the same. Last year the news of the huge arms sale caused China to be angry and flagrantly canceled the U.S. Defense Secretary’s visit to China. Although the visit eventually took place, the issue of the arms sale to Taiwan is still a major obstacle to Sino-U..S. relations. Unless America repeals its Taiwan Relations Act or China and Taiwan are reunified, this dispute will never be eliminated.

Linked with the arms sale and the Taiwan issue are China’s territorial issues in the South China Sea. This problem’s importance is not only about China’s sovereignty, but also about the issues of strategic interest and strategic channels that lurk in the background. Because, in the long run, to be a global superpower, China’s national interests will inevitably extend outwards, stretching across the ocean. To gain strategic resources and strategic channels, China will need to reclaim islands in the South China Sea, and establish military footholds and raw materials supply bases. Although both sides argue that, through peaceful discussions, they can coordinate their differences, they will be unwilling to part with the cards in their hands without a struggle. To contain China’s long term goals, the U.S. and China will invariably disagree on territorial issues in the South China Sea; thus there will be no basis for cooperation.

Look at the situation on the Korean Peninsula. Due to the extremely unstable domestic situation, North Korea may take up risky war actions against outsiders. North Korea has already become a threat to the peninsula, and a source of threat to the peace and safety of the entire East Asia region. Points of common interest for China and the U.S. are in their deterrence of the North Korean threat and maintaining safety on the Korean peninsula. However, if there is a coup in North Korea that threatens the Kim dynasty’s totalitarian dictatorship, it could cause the Korean War to restart. China must either face sending troops to support North Korea or abandon them. If China abandons the North then South Korea will possibly invade the North. Either choice makes it difficult for China to completely avoid coming into conflict with the U.S.

From the perspective of one country or its bilateral relations, 30 years is a very long historical period. Think back 30 years, when uniting with the U.S. against the U.S.S.R. was necessary; from Nixon’s ground breaking trip to Reagan’s honeymoon period, it can be said that Sino-U.S. relations were smooth. However, in 1989, the Tiananmen Square incident came like a hurricane, causing bilateral relations to regress to the pre-Cold War era. The slogan of “Sino-U.S. friendship” became “American imperialism may kill me but not my spirit.” Jiang Zemin then turned to Moscow to renew the old dream of the “unbreakable friendship.”

Secret Worries of Sino-U.S. Relations

Looking forward 30 years, China will undoubtedly engage in grandiose plans, which will not only change China itself, but will also change the world. China’s GDP will overtake America’s and will take over the world’s top spot. China will establish two fleets in the East China Sea and South China Sea that will travel across the high seas. The footprints of the Chinese people will be all over the world, along with Chinese products. China’s technological innovations will climb and their nationalist patriotism will grow. Beijing will become the world’s mecca and will attract countless numbers of people.

Any action is based on strength. In those circumstances, China will most likely use strength to adjust the content of the joint statement. Because China and Taiwan are reunified, arms sales to Taiwan and the “One China” policy dispute will no longer exist. The territorial disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea will not be mentioned any longer, and are expected to be returned to China. The content of the Sino-U.S. Joint Statement will also become history.

Moreover, from an internal point of view, not only is China’s economy rapidly growing and its national power experiencing an unprecedented expansion, China is constantly changing, the quality of life is improving and its prosperity is impressive. However, due to the vast population, a weak foundation, numerous problems, varying public opinions, increases in both rural and urban unemployment, economic disparities, the prevalence of corruption and a weak legal system will lead to increases in social unrest. If these phenomena are not stopped, conditions will only deteriorate further and the chance of another Tiananmen Square type situation once again occurring in China cannot be eliminated completely.

If that situation arises again, U.S. authorities will definitely once again raise up the banner of freedom, democracy and human rights. America will pressure China and use the current situation to weaken China’s strength in order to facilitate the U.S. containment of China’s rise.

According to the reasons and assumptions above, on the one hand, people hope to see that Sino-U.S. relations truly achieve the picture described in the joint statement in the future. At the same time, the gap between aspiration and reality cannot be ignored, and we need to maintain a clear attitude to evaluate the future development of Sino-U.S. relations.


中国国家主席胡锦涛访美已经过去多日,中美两国首脑峰会仍在余波荡漾,继续受到全球关注和舆论分析。

  1972年尼克松访华标志中美关系化敌为友的历史性突破,1979年邓小平访美旨在联美抗苏与从美招财进宝。而此次中美首脑会晤则好比群山环抱中崛起两座巅峰,显示当今世界两个最富实力、平起平坐的大国决心在全球范围内实行强强合作。

涵盖世界局势发展的一次峰会

  胡奥白宫峰会向世界展示中美关系的新姿态与新阶段。中美联合声明为两国关系确立全方位合作的规范与蓝图,同时表现出对世界和平发展的共同关切。奥巴马赞赏中国和平崛起,胡锦涛欢迎美国参与亚太地区事务。其中蕴含的那种求人又求己的互相承诺与互谅精神颇有新意,不由得令人想起孔老夫子“和而不同”与“己欲达而达人”的中国古代智慧。

  翻开二十世纪后半叶的历史,两个社会制度差异而又互为对手的世界大国首脑会晤,唯有1959年的美国总统艾森豪威尔与苏联总理赫鲁晓夫那次戴维营会谈可以与胡奥会晤相比。但是当年两个超级大国的会晤只限于防止世界核战实行和平共处,美苏关系只有政治而无经济,唯有相互制约缺乏相互需要,会谈内容也不涉及世界发展问题。而本次中美峰会的议题,则既着眼于推进两国互利合作又涵盖国际关系与世界局势,是一次名副其实的世界最高峰会议。中美和则世人安,中美斗则世界危。举世关注胡奥峰会,其因盖出于此。

  当然,无论中美两国首脑如何强调合作和互相关照对方利益,它并不能改变这是一个现有超级大国与一个正在崛起的世界大国之间关系的实质。这种关系的特点在于,双方既有竞争与利益相左的一面,又有防止和制约对抗因而具有建立某种协调机制互利共荣的需要。从这个意义上看,本次中美首脑会晤的积极意义和重要影响必须加以充分的肯定。

联合声明恐难化解双方矛盾

  不过,当举世赞叹之声逐渐淡化之际,人们也难免会产生这样的问题:中美双方的良好祝愿能化解相互关系中的现有矛盾吗,那一纸声明管得了中美关系三十年的发展变化吗?答案恐怕是信者少而疑者众。笔者耳闻的美国一种私下议论甚至认为,也许一年也管不住。因为新的美国对台军售眼看就要到来,双方势必又会引起一番争执。

  尽管中方在声明中强调台湾问题“涉及中国主权和领土完整”,要求美方“信守有关承诺”,美方表示“奉行一个中国政策,遵守中美三个公报原则”。但是前者反对军售,后者并未承诺中止军售,双方分歧依然如故。去年宣布的这笔巨额军售一度引起中方恼怒而悍然取消美国防长访华之行。后来访问虽已成行,然而对台军售议题仍然是中美关系的一大障碍。除非美国将来废除对台关系法,或者两岸回归统一,否则这一争执永远不可能消除。

与军售和台湾问题相连的是中国的南中国海领土问题。这一问题的重要性不仅在于主权,还有隐藏在其背后的战略利益与战略通道问题。因为从长远来看,作为一个世界大国,中国的国家利益势必要向外海与远洋伸延。为了取得战略资源和战略通道,中国必然要回收南中国海岛屿以建立军事基地与原料补给基地。虽然各方力主通过和谈协调分歧,然而已经含在嘴里的东西,不经一番较量是决不可能轻易吐出来的。出于遏制中国的长远需要,美国在南中国海领土主权问题上与中国只会分道扬镳,不可能支持合作。

  其次再看朝鲜半岛局势。由于国内局势极度不稳,对外可能采取战争冒险行动,朝鲜已经成为威胁半岛与整个东亚地区和平与安全的一个重要根源。中美双方在遏阻朝鲜冒险维护半岛安全方面具有共同的利益。但如果一旦朝鲜发生动乱政变危及金家王朝极权专制统治,甚至导致朝韩重起战端的时候,中国必将面临出兵支持朝鲜或弃之不顾,任由韩国侵占朝鲜两种选择,难以完全避免与美国发生冲突。

  对于一个国家或两国关系来说,三十年是一个相当长历史时期。回顾以往三十年,出于联美抗苏的需要,从尼克松的破冰之旅到里根时代的蜜月交往,中美关系可说一帆风顺。然而1989年天安门一阵狂飙,又使相互关系退回到冷冻期。“中美友好”的口号马上变为“美帝亡我之心不死”的敌情,江泽民则又转过头来去莫斯科重温“牢不可破友谊”的旧梦。

中美关系的一些隐忧

  展望今后三十年,中国肯定将大展宏图,不但改变自己而且改变世界。中国的GDP总量将把美国抛在后面而坐上世界第一的交椅。中国将会建立东海与南中国海两洋舰队远航四海,中国人的足迹将连同中国商品遍及全球,中国的科技创新将节节高升,中国的爱国主义民族主义情绪将一浪高过一浪。北京将成为世界的麦加引来无数人的朝拜。

  任何行动都是以力量为基础的。在那样的情况下,中国可能会以行动来修正联合声明的内容,大陆与台湾因为实现统一而不再存在对台军售和“一个中国”之争。南中国海与东海的领土主权同样不在话下,也将陆续重返中国版图。中美联合声明中的有关内容也就成为历史。

  何况从内政的角度来看,中国尽管经济高速增长,国力空前膨胀,国家日新月异,民生大有改善,繁荣景象令人赞叹,然而由于人口多,底子薄,问题成堆,众口难调,中国的社会经济与城乡居民生活中出现的失业增加,贫富悬殊、贪腐盛行、法制薄弱与社会动乱现象增多。如果这种现象不能有所制止,反而更形深化恶化,中国再次发生类似天安门事件的可能性不能完全排除。

  万一再次出现那种情况,美国当局肯定会再次举起自由、民主与人权的旗帜,对中国施加压力,并利用当时的情况来削弱中国的力量,以利于美国对中国崛起的遏制。

  根据以上的理由和推测,人们一方面希望看到中美关系未来真的会实现联合声明所描绘的图景,同时也不能忽视愿望与现实之间的差距,而必须保持清醒的态度来评价中美关系今后的发展。
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