The Neocon Renaissance

Published in El Mundo
(Spain) on 27 March 2011
by Ricard Gonzalez (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ellen Connacher. Edited by Heidi Kaufmann.
After a severe Republican defeat on Dec. 12, 2006, Donald Rumsfeld, secretary of defense and neocon “in chief” announced his resignation. That gesture was interpreted as the end of an era, and many media outlets published the political obituary for the neocon movement, the advisory group that advised Bush to follow a foreign policy based on the expansion of democracy at gunpoint.

Fed up with the violent occupation of Iraq that seemed to have no end, the North American public had buried an ideology hated in the rest of the world due to its demonstration of the U.S.’ military superiority complex. Even the incredibly stubborn George Bush appointed a pragmatic secretary of defense like Robert Gates and recalibrated his foreign policy toward a more realistic direction.*

However, scarcely four years later, listening to the potential Republican presidential candidates and other conservative leaders talking about the Libyan crisis confirms that the neocon ideology is in indefatigable health within Republican ranks. Just as much as McCain has, Gingrich, Palin and Pawlenty have sharply criticized Obama for his hesitation upon launching an offensive against the leader, Gadhafi.

The only politicians with a national profile in the Grand Old Party to call into question the necessity of military intervention in Libya have been the veteran Senator Richard Lugar, an old-school realist, and Ron Paul, the aged iconic Libertarian who advocates isolationism for foreign policy.

The fact that the former, in the crosshairs of conservative activists, faces a difficult reelection next year, and the latter is ridiculed as a sort of “Don Quixote” by part of the Republican “establishment,” shows the extent to which the battle for party majority is found in favor of the neocons.

In fact, more than being a revival of neocon ideology among the conservative ranks, the reality is that it never really died. Do not forget that it was John McCain, one of the greatest defenders of neoconservatism on Capitol Hill, was who won the Republican primary of 2008 and that, with the exception of Paul, none of his opponents openly questioned instances of his main neocon principles.

Despite the simple caricature of neocons depicted as a bunch of cowboys of the 21st century — as is commonly seen in the international press — the reality is that this movement has been able to embody certain principles and myths within the very political DNA of the United States, and it is because it seems logical that a mere military setback has not been able to eradicate it from the map.

The fundamental myth of the country as being like “the beacon on the hill,” the light that guides the progress of humanity, is perfectly embodied with the neocon crusade to expand democracy in the world. Likewise, its reliance on U.S. military power is a reflection of the characteristic optimism of the American public of the notion that there is no opponent that can withstand its skill and tenacity.

Now, we’ll have to see if all these presumed White House hopefuls who criticize Obama as being timid have the “guts” to stick the country into a new military adventure in a foreign country, including occupation, or if everything is just rhetoric to score points among the more conservative bases.

*Translator’s Note: Realist in this article refers to the school of thought from International Relations doctrine.


Tras una severa derrota republicana en las legislativas del 2006, el 12 de diciembre, Donald Rumsfeld, secretario de Defensa y neo-con “en jefe”, anunció su dimisión. Aquel gesto se interpretó como el final de una era, y muchos medios publicaron el obituario político del movimiento neo-con, el grupo de asesores que aconsejó a Bush una política exterior basada en la expansión de la democracia a cañonazos.

Hastiado por una violenta ocupación de Irak que parecía no tener fin, el pueblo norteamericano había enterrado una ideología odiada en el resto del mundo por su uso desacomplejado de la superioridad militar estadounidense. Incluso el tozudísimo George Bush nombró a un secretario de Defensa pragmático como Robert Gates, y recalibró su política exterior hacia una dirección más realista(*).

Sin embargo, apenas cuatro años después, escuchando a los presuntos presidenciables republicanos y otros líderes conservadores hablando de la crisis libia cabe concluir que la ideología neo-con goza de una salud de hierro dentro de las filas republicanas. Tanto McCain, como Gingrich, Palin o Pawlenty han criticado con dureza a Obama por su timidez a la hora de lanzar una ofensiva contra el coronel Gadafi.

Los únicos políticos con un perfil nacional en el Grand Old Party en cuestionar la necesidad de intervenir militarmente en Libia han sido el veterano senador Richard Lugar, un realista de la vieja escuela, y Ron Paul, el añejo icono libertario que aboga por el aíslacionismo en política exterior.

El hecho de que el primero, en el punto de mira de los activistas conservadores, se enfrente a una difícil reelección el año que viene, y el segundo sea ridiculizado como una especie de “Don Quijote” por parte del “establishment” republicano, muestran hasta qué punto la batalla por el alma del partido se encuentra decantada a favor de los neo-con.

De hecho, más que haberse producido una resurrección de la ideología neo-con entre las filas conservadoras, la realidad es que ésta nunca llegó a morir. No hay que olvidar que fue John McCain, uno de los máximos paladines del neo-conservadurismo en el Capitolio, quien se impuso en las primarias republicanas del 2008, y que, a excepción de Paul, ninguno de sus adversarios cuestionó abiertamente los grandes principios del paradigma neo-con.

A pesar de la caricatura fácil de los neo-cons como unos cowboys del siglo XXI, que tanto triunfó en la prensa internacional, la realidad es que este movimiento ha sido capaz de encarnar algunos principios y mitos inseridos en el ADN político de Estados Unidos, por lo que es lógico que un simple revés militar no haya sido capaz de erradicarlo del mapa.

El mito fundador del país como “the beacon on the hill”, el faro que guía el progreso de la humanidad, encaja perfectamente con la cruzada neo-con para expandir la democracia en el mundo. Igualmente, su confianza en el poderío militar estadounidense es un reflejo del carácter optimista del pueblo estadounidense, de la noción que no hay un desafío que se resista a su pericia y tenacidad.

Ahora bien, habría que ver si todos estos presuntos aspirantes a la Casa Blanca que critican a Obama por timorato tienen los “guts” (“estómago”) para meter al país en una nueva aventura militar en un país extranjero con ocupación terrestre incluida, o todo es pura retórica para ganar puntos entre las bases más conservadoras.



(*) Realista en este artículo se refiere a la escuela de pensamiento dentro de la doctrina de las Relaciones Internacionales.

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Realismo_en_pol%C3%ADtica_internacional
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