Bin Laden Is the Past; Afghanistan Refuses War

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 10 May 2011
by Xiguang Li (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yipeng Xie. Edited by Gillian Palmer  .
Thirty years ago, in a small building in the Department of Foreign Languages at Nanjing University, I first heard on the radio the exciting news on Voice of America that the mujahedeen ambushed a Soviet tank. At that time, the word “mujahedeen” was a neologism that had not yet been included in the Oxford dictionary. Now, after 30 years, however, I hear the Western world and U.S. media enthusiastically cheer about the death of bin Laden, the leader of a mujahedeen organization. The vicissitude of the situation is hardly predictable.

Bin Laden has become history; nevertheless, al-Qaida’s admonishment of revenge and the U.S. government’s oath of a complete eradication of the mujahedeen are thrilling. Afghans have undergone a 20-year humanitarian catastrophe under the Soviet Red Army’s cruelty and Western armies’ missiles. Considering those torn souls and bombarded villages and fields in today’s Afghanistan, no one should gain the legitimacy to continue the war. It is no exaggeration to say that those who are willing to continue the war should be sued for war crimes and sent to the Hague U.N. International Tribunal for judging.

After bin Laden’s death, all the sympathetic people in this world, along with Afghans, are expecting a new page in Afghanistan’s history. They hope that the world will focus on a larger image, rather than a particular terrorist. This larger image will disengage from any killings; instead, its motifs are the resurgence of Afghanistan’s peace, the reconciliation of ethnic conflicts and the reconstruction of the nation.

Most Afghans and Pakistanis believe that the Taliban and its Pashtun supporters will never accept any reconciliation if the U.S. and the Western world don’t withdraw their troops from Afghanistan. Therefore, they hope that bin Laden’s death will herald the withdrawal of U.S. and Western armies. Only with the withdrawal of the troops will the political parties and native armed forces in Afghanistan be willing to peacefully discuss at the negotiating table the reconciliation in terms of ethnicity, reconstruction and economic cooperation. Only by transcending the awareness of partisanship will such negotiation be able to unite people in Afghanistan. The strategy of eliminating a particular type of partisanship and its followers will not eradicate terrorism, but accelerate the dissemination of terrorism.

If the international community, especially the Western countries and the United States, hadn’t sent troops to Afghanistan to wantonly bomb the country, but rather had provided food and helped build houses in Afghanistan’s rural areas, the situation would have been significantly better. There are 10 children in the average Afghan family. Since most families cannot afford to raise all these kids, some of these children are sent to religious schools. In other words, these kids are doomed to embrace the Taliban or the mujahedeen. If the United States had spent 10 percent of its military expenditure in Afghanistan on the nation’s rural education, Afghanistan would have experienced revolutionary alterations.

Today, the Taliban’s power has gone underground, but its guerrilla power has been strengthened gradually. The Taliban’s allies consider Westerners as heretics. Since the Taliban is the Muslim Brotherhood’s friend, any countries declaring war with the Taliban will be treated as enemies of the Taliban’s allies. The United States has been urging Pakistan to fight against its domestic Taliban; however, has the U.S. government ever realized that the exertion of military force in Pakistan against the Taliban will only exacerbate Pakistan’s ethnic and religious conflicts and lead the Pashtuns (16 percent of Pakistan’s population) to join Afghanistan’s Taliban?

Having fought fiercely with Muslims for 10 years, the United States and other Western countries are facing an immense difficulty in public relationships. Western countries receive zero credibility from people in the Muslim world. Facing Afghanistan’s future after bin Laden’s death, Western countries don’t have any other choice but to withdraw the troops, terminate the war and ameliorate their relationship with the Muslim world, especially with Afghans and Pakistanis.

Xiguang Li is the director of Center of International Communication Studies in Tsinghua University.



 作者:李希光 清华大学国际传播研究中心主任


  30年前,在南京大学外文系小楼里第一次听到“美国之音”短波兴高采烈地播放“圣战者”(Mujahedeen)伏击苏联坦克的新闻。那时Mujahedeen还是个连牛津英文词典都没有收入的新词。30年后,却听见西方和美国媒体同样兴高采烈地欢呼“圣战者”组织头目本·拉登已经被击毙。时势之变迁,确非世人所能预料。


  本·拉登已成为历史,“基地”组织的报复警告和美国政府“彻底清除圣战者”的誓言却令人不寒而栗。在苏联红军的铁蹄和西方联军的导弹之下,阿富汗老百姓遭受了长达20年的人道主义灾难。看看被战争涂炭的阿富汗生灵、被狂轰滥炸的田野山村,任何人想要继续玩战争游戏,在今天的阿富汗都不具合法性。毫不过分地说,这些人都应该以战争罪送交海牙国际法庭接受审判。


  本·拉登死了,相信全球所有善良民众都与阿富汗人民一样,期待翻开阿富汗历史的新篇章,把国际的关注点放在一个更大的画面上,而不是聚焦在某个恐怖主义分子个人的身上。这个大画面与追杀无关,它的内容是恢复阿富汗的和平、民族和解和国家重建。


  大多数阿富汗和巴基斯坦人民相信,只要西方不从阿富汗撤军,塔利班和其支持者普什图族人就不会接受和解。因此,他们希望看到,本·拉登的死亡,将是西方撤军行动的开始。唯有如此,阿富汗各政治派别和武装力量,才会坐到谈判桌前,就民族和解、国家重建、经济合作展开和平谈判。这种谈判只有超越党派和意识形态,才能把阿富汗全国人民团结起来。那种通过铲除某种意识形态和其追随者的做法,不仅不会根除恐怖主义,只会加剧恐怖主义的蔓延。


  如果国际社会,特别是欧美国家不是向阿富汗派兵打仗和狂轰滥炸,而是把每天扔在阿富汗的弹药变成向阿富汗农村提供食品、修建房屋,情况将大为改善。阿富汗家庭平均有10个孩子,因为家里养不起,他们都会被送到免费向孩子们提供食品、书本和教育的宗教学校去,或者说,送进塔利班“圣战者”的怀抱。如果美国把10%在阿富汗的军费用在阿农村教育中,阿富汗将会发生革命性转变。


  塔利班政权今天虽然转入地下,但游击力量日益增强。塔利班的盟友们认为西方人是异教徒,而塔利班是穆斯林兄弟。如果与塔利班作战,都被视为与他们作战。美国一直敦促巴基斯坦对其境内的塔利班用兵。但美国政府难道没有想到,这种用兵只会导致巴基斯坦境内族群矛盾与教派矛盾日益激化?更把占巴基斯坦人口16%的普什图族推向阿富汗塔利班一边?


  在与穆斯林残酷作战10年后,美国与西方国家在阿富汗和巴基斯坦面临巨大的公共关系难题。穆斯林世界的民众对西方国家的信任度几乎为零。面对本·拉登后的阿富汗未来,西方国家别无选择,唯一明智的做法是撤军、停止在阿富汗的战争,改善与穆斯林世界,特别是与阿富汗人民和巴基斯坦人民的关系。▲(作者是清华大学国际传播研究中心主任。)
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