Obama’s Vision of the Future

Germany remains America’s most important, albeit awkward, European partner. Obama’s expressions of honor for Chancellor Merkel are also an investment in the future: If things go well for America, Germany’s leadership role couldn’t be big enough.

If the proceedings are an indicator of the quality of relationships, then one need not worry about relations between Germany and America. They couldn’t be better. Expressions of honor are being heaped upon Chancellor Merkel by the American government and President Obama in particular.

The reception was so unrepublican-like and pompous that Obama, who as president has still not visited Berlin — some say he has avoided the German capital — almost got himself into a public relations crisis. Why is Mrs. Merkel now being awarded with the highest civilian honor of the United States?

The superficial answer is this: Because the biography of the Chancellor wields a certain fascination with the Americans — whether or not Angela Merkel and Barack Obama are of one mind. The more politically substantial answer pertains to the country that the honoree represents: Great Britain is certainly the partner on whom Americans still firmly rely. But the reunited Germany is and remains the most important European partner (albeit awkward and tending toward self-righteousness).

In the recent past, Germany had downright competition in America. The second German economic miracle was and is still marveled at, especially in light of the unsatisfactory economic development and high unemployment in our country. This amazement was disembogued in the question of what one could learn from the reindustrialization of Germany and the technical modernization of the United States in regards to the environment.

The German-American Contrast Was Not Even Covered Up

But that’s only one part: The cooperation of Berlin is wanted to manage international economic crises and political conflicts, as well as solving global problems. If things go according to the American leadership, Germany’s leadership role in Europe and beyond couldn’t be big enough. It’s a constant expectation of American policy that Germany should take leading responsibility for and make substantial contributions to European and global politics, from the Euro-crisis through to Afghanistan. If Germany doesn’t sufficiently honor this expectation, according to American opinion, then the disappointment will unfailingly be big, whereby we arrive at the German policy on Libya.

Seldom has a decision by the federal government made its — as one must explicitly add — old Western allies so irritated as the abstention in the vote of the UN Security Council on the Libya Resolution. The federal government rhetorically sought solidarity with the undemocratic countries China and Russia, whose abstention effectively meant approval, and declined an emergency operation, which was neither in doubt of lacking legality or legitimacy.

The astonishment was and still is big because the abstention was received as a recurrence of a mentality that, in regards to security and world politics, would rather think of Germany as a big Switzerland. The irritation is only strengthened by the fact that this stands in contrast to the global orientation of the German economy and a confident foreign policy. In Seoul at the G-20 meeting this past fall, Obama himself witnessed an impressive presentation by Mrs. Merkel on how robustly the federal government can represent German economic and financial interests. The German-American contrast was not even covered up.

Evidently, the Germany of today is no longer that Germany, which was above all a security client of America. It has more options available and occasionally negotiates situationally, without strategic plans. Our predictability doesn’t increase this. But it’s also not the case that we go our own way. Germany is too deeply and existentially woven into the Atlantic-European connections for that.

Obama’s Investment in the Future

Yet the relations between Germany and America no longer live in the past. As a centerpiece of Atlantic solidarity, it must prove itself in the management of the big questions of the present and of the near future. Despite all discord and political-cultural idiosyncrasies, both sides still feel empathy for one another. This must be the recipe for a cooperation guided by interests, for example in Afghanistan and in the Middle East, to the reply to the emergence of new world powers. Because in the coming years the United States will have to tighten its belt and will be on the lookout for partners more than ever, who will take away its burdens, or at least share them.

In this respect it was an investment in the future, that (and the way in which) Obama wooed the Chancellor in the White House. Mrs. Merkel should be aware of this. Its reputation can be quickly lost.