To claim that the United States has lost its superpower status has become a new trend. Its budget deficit, the downgrade of its credit rating and the incapability of its government to reach an agreement over the debt ceiling clearly point to the economic and political problems that the country is facing. These are serious issues.
However, are they lethal? Have China, together with the EU, overtaken the leader position? That is hardly the truth. Interestingly, the debt-ceiling problem was created by American politicians themselves after having made their way to Congress by using their “lower taxes, less government” slogan.
After having hindered any efficient decision-making in Congress and having almost bankrupted the country, the tea party movement has suffered a severe downfall in approval ratings. Such a rapid change is something that happens to all the politicos who come to power suddenly and seemingly out of nowhere. It happens in the United States just like it manifests itself in Lithuania.
It is hard to believe that after having endured the negative effects of such a populist market economy Americans would again vote for its harsh advocates. This would mean reductions in public spending without increasing taxes for the richest. That is to say, growing unemployment and cuts in government programs.
America has lost its AAA rating. According to the Standard & Poor’s rating, the United States is now very close to Estonia, and countries like Finland are higher on the list. Nonetheless, the situation is a bit different in real life. It only takes the stock markets of the United States to stagnate for the rest of the world’s markets to follow suit, including those countries that have higher credit ratings. Why don’t the world stock markets react in the same way when, let’s say, Swedish stocks go down? The answer here is very simple. That is because America remains the world’s finance center no matter how many of its dollars countries like China have bought.
A great deal of economists and political analysts agree that the economic problems of the European Union are much more worrisome than those of the United States. The United States and the EU have chosen to introduce budget cuts to solve their problems and leave the evaluation of the social consequences of such choices for later. Nevertheless, even in this tough situation, the United States has advantages over the EU.
While the EU bodies do not possess the power to regulate monetary choices of its member states, the United States can successfully enforce its policies throughout the whole country. In the case of the EU, it is enough for any agreement to be harshly opposed by Germany or France for it to be completely abandoned. This sort of power cannot be found in any federal unit of the United States.
In addition, the euro itself is a relatively new currency. It could practically be seen as the deutsch mark that has transformed itself and imposed its rules on the whole eurozone. The recent enthusiasm by which the euro was adopted in Greece and Portugal has produced rather unpleasant results, not to mention the problems that Italy and Spain are dealing with.
What is next for the economy of the EU is hard to tell. It is difficult to grasp much from the EU leaders about the long-term economic strategy of the region and what is actually happening sub-regionally.
There is often discussion that the United States’ long-time leadership role will soon be unavoidably taken by China. China, however, depends on the West just as much, if not more than the United States depends on China. The competitiveness that the Asian superpower has built up during the years is based on cheap labor and foreign investment coming from the West. As the labor there is getting more expensive, the attractiveness of China will very likely diminish in the future. Certainly, there are no obstacles for China to create its own companies that would compete in the world market, just like Japan did after World War II.
Surely, post-war Japan and present-day China differ from one another in that the Chinese Communist Party does not appear to be willing to give away its monopoly of power to anyone. China does have deep-rooted traditions of imperial rule; yet, the period of the Communist regime makes up just a tiny bit of Chinese history. Also, another trait of the Chinese economy is the disproportionate number of peasants in comparison to the Western countries. It is challenging to guess how China will tackle this issue.
Therefore, all the potential rivals of the United States show some serious weaknesses. Washington could get rid of its problems without great difficulties if more political will was shown and more compromises were reached. History shows that such will was always there during the defining moments in American politics. Why should this crisis be an exception?
Ar jau atėjo Amerikos sutemos?
Tapo madinga kalbėti bei rašyti apie Jungtinių Valstijų kaip supervalstybės galą. Girdi, Amerikos, biudžeto deficitas, šalies reitingo nuvertinimas bei Amerikos valdžios ginčai dėl skolos ribos padidinimo aiškiai rodo ir Jungtinių Valstijų ūkines, ir politines problemas. Taip, šie klausimai yra rimti ir rodo, jog tiek Amerikos politika, tiek ūkis turi rimtų problemų.
Tačiau, ar jos yra mirtinos ir ar jau į pasaulio lyderio pozicijas išsiveržė Kinija ar Europos Sąjunga? Vargu. Visų pirma skolos ribos padidinimo problema sukurta pačių Amerikos politikų rankomis, tų, kurie atėjo į Kongresą su populistiniu šūkiu „Mažiau valdžios kišimosi ir mažiau mokesčių.“
Tačiau vadinamasis Tea Party judėjimas, galėjęs dirbtinai atvesti Ameriką į bankrotą, po bekompromisių debatų Kongrese labai stipriai prarado populiarumą. Tai visų iš niekur į politiką atėjusių politikierių dalia. Nesvarbu, ar tai būtų Amerika, ar Lietuva.
Sunku patikėti, jog ateityje amerikiečiai rinksis rinkos populistus, patyrę ant savo kailio rinkos populizmo poveikį. Tai yra ką realiai kiekvienam, išskyrus pačius turtingiausius, reikš valstybės išlaidų mažinimas, nedidinat mokesčių turtingiesiems. O reikš, jei kam nors neaišku, didėjantį nedarbą bei valstybės programų karpymą.
Amerika prarado trijų AAA reitingą. Dabar Jungtinės Valstijos, jeigu tikėti vertinimo agentūros „Standards and Poors“ vertinimu, yra labai netoli Estijos, o Ameriką lenkia, sakykim, kad ir Suomija. Tačiau realiame gyvenime yra kiek kitaip. Užtenka Amerikos biržoms smukti, ir visos pasaulio biržos eina į dugną, taip pat ir tų šalių, kurios turi geresnius kredito vertinimus, nei kad Amerikai priskiria „Stadards and Poors“. Kodėl taip pasaulio biržos nereaguoja į, sakykim, Švedijos akcijų svyravimus? Atsakymas yra labai paprastas – todėl, jog Jungtinės Valstijos ir toliau lieka pasaulio finansų sostine, nesvarbu, kiek dolerių ar Amerikos akcijų yra nusipirkusios kitos šalys, sakykim, kad ir Kinija.
Dauguma pasaulio ekonomistų bei politikos apžvalgininkų pripažįsta, jog Europos Sąjungos ūkio problemos yra daug rimtesnės nei Jungtinių Valstijų. Tiek Amerikos, tiek Europos politikai ūkinėms problemoms spręsti taiko tą patį metodą – biudžeto išlaidų karpymą. Ir vienoje, ir kitoje Atlanto pusėje daug negalvojama, kokias socialines pasekmes turės ši politika. Tačiau net ir vykdydama šią politiką, Amerika turi pakankamai pranašumų.
Jungtinės Valstijos yra vieninga valstybė, kuri monetarines priemones gali taikyti visoje šalyje. Tuo metu Europos Sąjungos vadovybė, palyginus su ta galia, kurią turi nacionalinės valstybės, yra bejėgė. Užtenka Vokietijos ar Prancūzijos nepritarimo ir jokios priemonės neįsigalios. Tokių galių neturi nei Teksasas, nei Arizona, nei Aliaska.
Be to, pats Europos Sąjungos piniginis vienetas euras yra labai nesenas. Praktiškai tai yra Vokietijos markė, primetusi žaidimo taisykles visai euro zonai. Nesenas euro entuziazmas, ant kurio bangos eurą priėmė tokios sąlyginai atsilikusios šalys kaip Graikija ar Portugalija, duoda labai nemalonius rezultatus. Jau nekalbant apie tai, jog, pasirodo, dideles problemas turi Italija bei Ispanija.
Sunku pasakyti, kaip toliau vystysis Europos Sąjungos ūkis, nes iš Sąjungos vadovų labai neapibrėžtų kalbų sunku ką nors suprasti – ar yra kokia nors ilgalaikė strategija, kokia ji yra, o ir bendrai kas iš tikro vyksta Europos Sąjungos ūkiuose.
Dažnai kalbama, jog Jungtinių Valstijų bei Europos vietą beveik neišvengiamai užims Kinija. Tačiau Kinija ne mažiau, o gal net daugiau priklauso nuo Vakarų nei Vakarai, tarp jų ir Jungtinės Valstijos, nuo Kinijos. Kinija laikosi ir konkuruoja pigia darbo jėga bei Vakarų investicijomis, nes Vakarų bendrovės, be abejo, gamina ten, kur pigiau. Bet Kinijoje darbo jėga taip pat brangsta ir po kurio laiko, Kinijos, kaip pigios darbo jėgos, patrauklumas, mažės. Žinoma, niekas netrukdo Kinijai sukurti savo bendrovių, kurios konkuruotų pasaulio ekonomikoje, kaip po karo padarė Japonija.
Tačiau pokarinė Japonija ir dabartinė Kinija iš esmė skiriasi jau vien tuo, jog Kiniją valdo komunistų partija, nepasiruošusi, atrodo, jokiomis sąlygomis savo valdžios monopolio atiduoti. Žinoma, Kinija turi senas imperinio valdymo tradicijas, bet komunistų valdymas tik menkas laikotarpis tūkstantmetėje šalies istorijoje. Yra ir kitas ekonominis Kinijos ypatumas – Kinijoje, palyginus su Vakarais, neproporcingai didelį gyventojų skaičių sudaro valstiečiai. Kaip susidoros su šia problema Kinija, sunku nuspėti.
Taigi visi Amerikos konkurentai turi rimtų problemų. Vašingtonas savo problemas išspręstų gan lengvai, jei atsirastų sutarimas bei politinė valia. Istorija rodo, jog lemiamais momentais Amerikai tokios valios užteko. Kodėl dabartinė krizė turėtų būti išimtis?
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link
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The implicit aim of the United States’ pressuring of EU member states by exhorting them to stand up for Lithuania is to fan the flames of the Taiwan issue in Europe.
No this does not mean it is the end of America but the proof that our Constituition is at work. Our constitutions designed our government to be slow and inefficent to prevent prower struggles and right now Obama and his democrats are the power that is abussing its control and now that the Republican party with help of the Tea Party is ready to throw out Obama and get ready for the 2012 election. The debt trouble is proof of the is president’s inability to power the nation and his inexpirance to be able to reach across the issle to the repubican party. Keep in mind that the repubicans are for small government and small taxes/burdens on the people where democrats are for health care, paying for the people who can’t work, high government, and high taxes for almost anyone who makes more the minnium wage. This is the politics in our country, so this does not mean the end of America but proof the our system is still working as designed by our Constituion to be slow and inefficent.
No this does not mean it is the end of America but the proof that our Constituition is at work. Our constitutions designed our government to be slow and inefficent to prevent prower struggles and right now Obama and his democrats are the power that is abussing its control and now that the Republican party with help of the Tea Party is ready to throw out Obama and get ready for the 2012 election. The debt trouble is proof of the is president’s inability to power the nation and his inexpirance to be able to reach across the issle to the repubican party. Keep in mind that the repubicans are for small government and small taxes/burdens on the people where democrats are for health care, paying for the people who can’t work, high government, and high taxes for almost anyone who makes more the minnium wage. This is the politics in our country, so this does not mean the end of America but proof the our system is still working as designed by our Constituion to be slow and inefficent.