A Look at Occupy Wall Street without Ideology

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 9 October 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Peter Nix. Edited by Nathan Ladd.
The Occupy Wall Street movement is mixing up America’s underlying contradictions, and it’s hard to predict to what extent it will mix up American society. However, because of the expanse between America’s economic strength and voters' expectations, Americans’ discontent is piling up faster than it can be resolved.
  
No society can truly be fair, so anger towards society’s injustice is often that society’s easiest breaking point, where all kind of discontent is vented. The American demonstrators’ political demands are vague and unclear, many of their criticisms are of a moral nature, their demands are in slogan form, and they still haven’t come up with clear, let alone workable, positions.

This means the movement might just be a burst of noise and energy, ultimately leaving nothing settled. It’s also possible that because the people’s dissatisfaction is something that America can’t resolve, and because American society can’t reach a consensus that the crowd’s demands are “extreme” and “unreasonable,” its society might sink into a relatively long period of political turmoil. Since both American political parties will probably exploit the movement to attack each other, the possibility that it will fade into another tea party also exists.

America has been at the tip of the global pyramid for a long time, like an aristocratic nation. It can use the entire world’s resources and wealth to help relieve its own problems. The “one talent conceals a hundred shames” quality that comes from this has made America’s internal contradictions fall within the set of those that are controllable for a long time. The Occupy Wall Street movement is evolving into Occupy the Entire Country, but this is still just a phase. In the mid-long term, whether or not America can maintain general stability depends on whether or not its “decline” will receive clear-cut confirmation, and if the societal consequences it will necessarily bring about can be acknowledged by the public.

The recent disturbance in American society tells us that American democracy also has overlooked areas where it is ineffective. Societal problems have been entrenched there for a long time and gotten larger, to the point where they have now exploded. To view the Western system as a master key to solve the problems of the world’s other regions is naive.

However, because the American demonstrators’ slogan of “social justice” is familiar to the ears of the Chinese public, it causes many people to contrast America’s movement with China’s reality. There are two points particularly worthy of attention. First, although some scholars believe that China and the U.S.’s problems are “completely incomparable,” in fact this kind of comparison has already become a quite ubiquitous line of thinking in Chinese society. Second, although America having problems to some degree proves the reasonableness of the problems that exist in China, this definitely shouldn’t become a reason or consolation for not taking our own problems seriously.

During the last few years, China’s development has been rapid; the speed of resolving old problems and producing new ones has also been the fastest in the world. At present there is no evidence that can demonstrate that any of China’s problems are especially tied to China’s political system. One of the problems China is facing is public demand for a social justice that is mostly idealistic. This intensifies China’s feeling of a deficit of social justice. This kind of deficit has been politicized and ideologically charged, causing this issue to become urgent.

In reality, no matter whether it’s China’s problems or America’s problems, an overly ideological way of looking at the issue may be a bias trap. For example, America’s system contributed to its prosperity, and it also created today’s problems. China’s system produced the achievements of Deng Xiaoping’s reform and a policy of opening up, and also led to some of today’s difficulties. Whether it’s China or America, reform and adjustment are both necessary: mankind simply doesn’t have a perfect system. A good system is precisely one that can continuously self-adjust and obtain the most adaptability toward the realities of society and popular demand.

The continuously spreading Occupy movement perhaps can be viewed as a free class that America is giving us; we should derive from it those lessons that apply to all mankind.


“占领华尔街”运动是美国深层矛盾的一次搅动,它究竟会把美国社会搅乱到什么程度,很难预测。但由于美国经济能力与其选民期待之间的差距在拉大,美国社会不满情绪的堆积速度,很可能快于它们的化解速度。


  由于没有一个社会能够做到真正的公平,对社会不公平的愤怒,在很多时候是一个社会发泄各种不满最容易找到的突破口。美国示威者们的政治诉求含混不清,他们的批评很多是道德层面的,要求是口号式的,他们尚未理出清晰的、哪怕是有可能操作的具体主张。


  这使得这场运动有可能只是热闹一阵,最终不了了之。但也可能因为民众的不满是美国根本无法解决的,而美国社会无法就民众的要求“激进”且“不合理”达成共识,从而美国陷入一个较长周期的政治动荡。由于美国两党很可能利用这场运动对攻,它褪变成另一个“茶党”的可能性同样存在。


  美国长期处于世界的金字塔尖,相当于“贵族国家”,可以动用全世界的资源和财富缓解自己的问题,由此带来的“一俊遮百丑”,使美国的内部矛盾长期处于可控范围内。“占领华尔街”运动在演变成“占领全国”,但这仍是阶段性的。从中长期看,美国未来能否保持大的稳定,取决于它的“衰退”是否会得到明确的证实,以及它必然导致的一些社会后果能否被民众“认了”。


  美国社会近来的骚动在告诉我们,美国的民主政治也有它无效性的死角,社会问题长期在那里盘踞并且坐大,直到爆发。将西方体制视为解决世界其他地区问题的万能钥匙,是幼稚的。


  然而由于美国示威者喊出的“社会公平”口号对中国舆论来说“耳熟能详”,这不能不让很多人用美国的这场运动来对照中国的现实。这当中有两点值得特别注意,第一,虽然一些学者认为中美的问题“完全不可比”,但这种对比实际上已经成为中国社会有相当普遍性的思维定式。第二,美国出问题虽然某种程度上证明了中国存在问题的“合理性”,但这决不应成为我们轻视解决自己问题的安慰和理由。


  中国这些年快速发展,解决问题和产生新问题的速度也都是全世界最快的。现在没有证据可以显示,中国的任何一个问题是与中国的政治制度“特殊绑定”的,但中国当前的一个危险是,舆论对社会公平的要求,理想的因素在多,这加剧了中国在社会公平领域的亏空感。这种亏空被政治化、意识形态化,使得这个问题变得相当紧迫。


  其实无论美国的问题,还是中国的问题,将它们过多在意识形态层面进行追究都可能陷入偏颇,比如美国的制度造就了它的繁荣,也制造了今天的问题。中国的体制创造了改革开放的成就,也同样导致今天的一些困局。无论中美,改革和调整都是必须的,人类根本就没有完美的制度,好的体制就是它能不断自我调整,获得对社会现实和民众要求最大的适应性。


  不断蔓延的“占领”行动或许可以作为美国给我们上的免费一课,我们应从中汲取属于全人类的那些教训。
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