The Philippines Overestimates Its Worth to the US

Published in The Beijing News
(China) on 13 June 2012
by Chen Bing (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Having just returned from the U.S., President Aquino III of the Philippines enthusiastically joined in celebrations for the 114th anniversary of his country's independence. He mostly likely could not have guessed that at the same moment, the Filipino people were taking to the streets to condemn America's interference in Philippine internal affairs. Hundreds fought with riot police as bottles and batons flew near the U.S. Embassy.

The scene highlighted the contradictions within the Philippines' posture towards the United States. The government hopes to work more closely with the U.S. and join together to contain China's reach to the south, all while the Filipino people pay the price. Bananas dumped into the ocean, the decline of tour groups from China, and even the refusal of a basketball team partly owned by Yao Ming, who normally keeps his hands clean of politics and military affairs, to play friendlies in the Philippines, have made the hard-working Filipino people eminently aware of the bleak future looming ahead.

President Aquino had lost face. If his visit to America had not been snubbed, at the very least it had been a disappointment. He had hoped to obtain a promise from the U.S., per the mutual defense treaty signed by the two nations in 1951, that it would lend its assistance in the Philippines' dispute with China in the South China Sea, which would make the Philippines one of America's pawns in its return to Asia. However, neither President Obama nor Secretary of State Hillary Clinton fulfilled his wish.

This is not to say that the U.S. will no longer seek to check China, or that Chinese diplomatic efforts towards the U.S. have been sufficiently persuasive, but rather that China, the Philippines and the U.S. all have a different “South China Sea” in mind. The three sides' views occasionally cross but do not overlap, which has resulted in the current confusion.

China's envisioned South China Sea is one that belongs to China but is developed jointly; “my house, my rules.” The Philippines' ideal South China Sea is one delineated based upon the Law of the Sea Convention, with the area up to 200 nautical miles out from the coastline being an exclusive economic zone of the Philippines. The preferred South China Sea of the U.S. is international waters with unclear sovereignty, where China and the Philippines' island dispute is a minor issue, and as long as a military confrontation does not occur and American merchants and warships can pass freely, it is enough for the U.S. to maintain its leadership role.

When compared, China and the U.S. have different understandings on sovereignty within the South China Sea, but share common ground in their efforts to preserve peace in the region, which is actually more than the U.S. and the Philippines agree upon. The U.S. knows very well that China far outweighs the Philippines on the scales of its global strategy. China is a giant, in markets, purchasing power, finance and influence, while the Philippines is easily dismissed. Within the myriad events which the U.S. concerns itself with, from the Iranian nuclear issue to events on the Korean Peninsula, China is a major and integral player.

Whether the future will be smooth sailing or stormy seas will be decided by China and the U.S. The visible trend is that tensions are rising in the region. China's strength is growing, so it must ensure that economic arteries remain free and that it has access to natural resources, while America's return to Asia must gradually progress. The strategic clash of interests between the two powers in the South China Sea is obvious, but peace in the area benefits all parties involved.

For now, the Philippines and other countries have begun to make strategic adjustments, and the coming period will be crucial in deciding whether they face reality and take a proactive stance on negotiations to resolve the issue in the South China Sea, or prolong the confrontation.


國際觀察

  菲律賓等國開始進入策略調整期,是正視現實、以積極的姿態協商解決南海問題,還是繼續對抗,未來一段時間將是關鍵時期。

  剛從美國返回的菲律賓總統阿基諾三世,興致勃勃地參加獨立114年慶祝活動。他也許怎麼都沒想到,菲律賓民眾同時走上街頭,譴責美國干預菲律賓內政。數百民眾在美國駐菲大使館附近,與防暴警察展開混戰,瓶子和棍棒相互飛舞。

  這一幕顯示出菲律賓對美國的矛盾心態。政府期望和美國走得更近,來聯手制約中國的「南下」,而遭殃的卻是菲律賓民眾。香蕉倒海,中國的旅遊團銳減,就連與政治和軍事最不沾邊的姚明球隊都拒絕到菲進行友誼賽,讓辛苦謀生的菲律賓民眾感到前景不妙。

  阿基諾總統一樣臉上無光。他的訪美熱情不說碰了一鼻子灰,至少頗感失落。他期望得到美國的承諾,按照1951年美菲簽署共同防禦條約,在中菲南海爭端中美國能助一臂之力,菲律賓也便成為美國重返亞洲的馬前卒。但是,奧巴馬總統和希拉里國務卿,都沒有滿足阿基諾的願望。

  不是說美國不再遏制中國,也不是說中國外交說服了美國,而是中、菲、美三國心中有不同的「南海」。三方彼此有交集,但沒有重疊,也便顯示出如今的撲朔迷離。

  中國心中的南海,是主權歸我,共同開發,「我的地盤我做主」;菲律賓心中的南海,是根據國際海洋法公約來界定海域,從海岸線以外200海里的海域,就是菲律賓的經濟專屬區;美國心中的南海,是主權模糊的國際海域,中菲之間的島嶼之爭是小事一樁,只要不發生戰事,只要美國的商船和軍艦能自由通行,美國有主導權就好。

  相比之下,中美對南海主權有不同的認識,但共同點是力爭保持整個海域的和平,比美菲的共同點其實要多一些。美國很清楚,中國在其全球戰略天平上,份量要遠重於菲律賓。無論從市場力、購買力、金融力還是影響力來說,中國是龐然大物,而菲律賓可以忽略不計。美國所關切的大大小小的事,從伊朗核問題到朝鮮半島局勢,中國是離不開的主角之一。

  南海今後是風平浪靜還是風高浪急,起主導作用的是中美兩國。可見的趨勢是,南海將越來越不平靜。中國的實力增強,必然要確保經濟大動脈的通暢和資源的開發,而美國重返亞洲也只能循序漸進。中美在南海的戰略衝突是明顯的,然而,和平的南海也符合各方利益。

  現在,菲律賓等國開始進入策略調整期,是正視現實、以積極的姿態協商解決南海問題,還是繼續對抗,未來一段時間將是關鍵時期。

  □陳冰(學者)
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