Closure by Blackmail
Published in El Pais
(Spain) on 2 October 2013
by Editorial (link to original)
(Spain) on 2 October 2013
by Editorial (link to original)
Translated from
by Natalie Legros.
Edited by Heather Martin.
The United States is facing a political crisis in two stages, marked by the double negative of the Republican majority in the House of Representatives failing to give the White House the green light, first last Tuesday regarding the extension of the budget and with the rise of the authorized debt ceiling on Oct. 17. As a result of the first negative — and its immediate consequence, the absence of a budget in the start of the fiscal year — a part of the administration's agencies have already closed, among them national parks, museums and the department that is in charge of issuing visas.
The situation affects more than 800,000 employees and has not occurred since 17 years ago, when the Republicans made an identical move against President Bill Clinton. The second threat from Congress, in two weeks, could mean the equivalent of a suspension of payments by the primary economic world power, even though the extent of the threat should instill the good sense to neutralize it.
The Republicans' offense, under the ideological drive of the tea party's radical congressmen and without the party's moderates having made an appearance of action — they fear the mobilization of extremists in next year's primaries for both chambers of Congress — manages to distort and leave without funds Obama's health care reform known as Obamacare. Budgetary power is used to blackmail the president at the cost of putting the country's performance and its economy in danger. To the radicals, Obamacare is an interventionist reform and they consider blocking it more important than any other thing: After all, their political philosophy includes a federal government that is as reduced as possible — "starve the monster" is the war cry of this philosophy of extreme slimming of state and public spending— with minimal interferences in the lives of the taxpayers.
Obama was able to postpone until now the confrontation with Congress that began to take shape at the beginning of the year revolving around what is called the fiscal cliff, when they were going to join some automatic tax increases with deficit cuts. In the eight months that passed, neither the White House nor the Republican Party has been capable of resolving their differences in order to ensure a normal budget this fall, in a demonstration of a lack of leadership that simultaneously affects the country's presidency and the opposing party, in practice seized by its extreme right instead of being in the process of returning to the center.
The crisis' troubling potential doesn't only affect the U.S. economy; it is viewed with global concern, as some trembles in the markets have demonstrated. It is improbable that it would occur, but the mere evocation of a debt payment suspension – which would have devastating effects – tarnishes Washington's image and authority in the world.
The situation affects more than 800,000 employees and has not occurred since 17 years ago, when the Republicans made an identical move against President Bill Clinton. The second threat from Congress, in two weeks, could mean the equivalent of a suspension of payments by the primary economic world power, even though the extent of the threat should instill the good sense to neutralize it.
The Republicans' offense, under the ideological drive of the tea party's radical congressmen and without the party's moderates having made an appearance of action — they fear the mobilization of extremists in next year's primaries for both chambers of Congress — manages to distort and leave without funds Obama's health care reform known as Obamacare. Budgetary power is used to blackmail the president at the cost of putting the country's performance and its economy in danger. To the radicals, Obamacare is an interventionist reform and they consider blocking it more important than any other thing: After all, their political philosophy includes a federal government that is as reduced as possible — "starve the monster" is the war cry of this philosophy of extreme slimming of state and public spending— with minimal interferences in the lives of the taxpayers.
Obama was able to postpone until now the confrontation with Congress that began to take shape at the beginning of the year revolving around what is called the fiscal cliff, when they were going to join some automatic tax increases with deficit cuts. In the eight months that passed, neither the White House nor the Republican Party has been capable of resolving their differences in order to ensure a normal budget this fall, in a demonstration of a lack of leadership that simultaneously affects the country's presidency and the opposing party, in practice seized by its extreme right instead of being in the process of returning to the center.
The crisis' troubling potential doesn't only affect the U.S. economy; it is viewed with global concern, as some trembles in the markets have demonstrated. It is improbable that it would occur, but the mere evocation of a debt payment suspension – which would have devastating effects – tarnishes Washington's image and authority in the world.