The Chinese air defense identification zone is a dangerous attempt to change the current situation by force. The U.S. and Japanese governments, as a joint effort, must urge China to exercise restraint. Vice President Biden, taking advantage of a trip to Japan, wishes to deepen the conversation regarding political policies on China.
Vice President Joe Biden visited Japan as the first country of a tour through East Asia and held a meeting with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his cabinet. President Obama is also scheduled to visit Japan next spring. The lively visit of a U.S. head of state matches the arrival of Caroline Kennedy, the newly appointed ambassador to Japan; first, we would like to welcome this expression of an attitude that stresses Japan’s importance in major U.S. strategies within Asia.
At a press conference following the meeting, the prime minister emphasized the following in regards to China’s air defense identification zone: “We have confirmed that we will address the situation without tacitly agreeing to an attempt at unilateral change in the present state of things by use of force, and we will continue our tightly knit cooperation based upon the U.S.-Japan alliance.” The vice president also announced that China’s air defense identification zone has caused “significant apprehension.”
Japan, which considers the Senkaku Islands to be its own “individual property,” validly governs the area. If China establishes a new air defense identification zone in the airspace over the East China Sea — where it would overlap Japan’s pre-established air defense identification zone — it could raise tensions in the area and invite an unpredictable set of circumstances.
We cannot overlook the establishment of an air defense identification zone in the East China Sea. If it were to expand from the East China Sea and elsewhere into other areas, the stability of those areas would be greatly compromised. It’s quite natural that both the U.S. and Japan, bound by the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, would share these concerns.
The vice president will visit China on Dec. 4 to consult with President Xi Jinping and his cabinet. It is hoped that the vice president will directly express the U.S. and Japan’s strong concerns regarding the establishment of an air defense identification zone.
However, there is a single, undeniable discrepancy between the U.S. and Japan in how each country has responded to the air defense identification zone. While the Japanese government has issued an order to private airlines not to submit flight plans to China, the U.S. government has agreed to the submission of flight plans.
While the U.S. government seems to have no intention of changing its attitude — that is, refusing to acknowledge the rightfulness of the established air defense identification zone — the U.S. and Japan stepping out of synch with one another could send the wrong sort of message to China.
The prime minster has stated, “We will absolutely not pardon any action that threatens the safety of civilian flights.” We would like the U.S. and Japan to be in agreement on this point and strive toward a firm resolution.
The vice president has indicated the necessity of a crisis control mechanism to avoid the uncertain state of affairs between China and Japan.
There is a mutual understanding in the construction of mechanisms for communication between aircraft and naval vessels, and the establishment of a hotline between China and Japan; nevertheless, it is a condition that can shelf an opportunity to nationalize the Senkaku Islands at a later date. The Japanese government is moving toward the early stages of beginning operations; it is hoped that it will continue to persuade China.
It is to be expected that China — which has grown to become the world’s second largest economic superpower — will fulfill its obligation to preserve the peace and prosperity of the region. How do we encourage this to happen? Providing an answer to that question is the mutual responsibility of both the U.S. and Japan.
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