The Increasingly Clear ‘Error’ of American Policy in Asia

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 29 September 2014
by Wu Zurong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Trevor Cook. Edited by Emily France.
In the four years since the United States announced its return to Asia, when it started out on its policy of strategic rebalancing in the region, it has provided no economic energy to the region. Instead, it has steadily increased insecurity and anxiety over the growing regional presence of American weaponry and rhetoric. More and more facts are increasingly laying bare the error of U.S. policy in Asia.

First, the United States draws lines around military alliances, which fails in the context of traditional Asian diplomacy. The U.S. today still has many bilateral military alliances – with countries like Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and Thailand – that are based on security and defense agreements that were concluded in the wake of World War II during the emergence of the Cold War and the opposition between East and West.

Economic interdependence among all Asian countries has increased in large measure in the face of accelerating economic globalization. Even as Asia pushes forward on a new path of peaceful development, the United States – unable to find or create a real enemy – uses the North Korean military threat as an excuse to implement its strategy of rebalancing in Asia. This entails, in particular, strengthening its military ties with Japan and the Philippines, and deploying the most advanced military equipment in Japan, as well as increasing long-term military presence in the Philippines through the rotation of troops stationed abroad. The U.S. is further attempting to find new military allies, even going to Asia’s neighboring Australia, and building a military base there in efforts to increase the strength of its presence abroad.

Over the last few years, the facts clearly show that the countries and peoples of Asia have met American attempts to strengthen relations with military allies and the increased military strength in Asia coldly and with disdain. Despite the U.S. exerting great pressure and its continual efforts at persuasion, not a single Asian country has yet publicly entered a military alliance with the United States, other than some countries permitting the U.S. to land warplanes or dock ships in their territory. Even the Philippines has recently stated that it will not permit American troops to be permanently stationed there.

Second, as Asian countries undergo adjustments in their economic systems, they face the tasks of increasing economic growth and employment, and maintaining financial stability. They urgently need the U.S. to increase imports of Asian products and development aid and investment in Asia; they need the U.S. to promote all types of cultural, educational and technological exchanges, and cooperation.

Instead, the U.S. only cares about its own interests and concentrates on rewriting the rules of international trade: It tries to sell Asia products that are advantageous to itself, such as agricultural products, and increases exports of obsolete military equipment. As a result, U.S. imports of Asian products, investment in Asia, and development aid to Asia have not increased as obviously as its military presence there. The actions of the U.S. in Asia are completely contrary to the needs of Asian countries and their people.

Third, the U.S. postures as a world "leader" in order to exert hegemony and political pressure in Asia. In collusion with countries like Japan and the Philippines, the U.S. has deepened its involvement in the China Sea territorial conflicts. As a regional outsider, it seeks every excuse to lead in the framing of the disputes and impose its view on other countries. Not only has the U.S. failed to correct the error of illicitly giving Japan authority over the Diaoyu Islands,* but it also goes against basic norms of international relations. The U.S. has also violated the integrity of China’s territorial sovereignty by claiming that China’s Diaoyu Islands are covered under Article 5 of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, which was included in the U.S.-Japan Joint Statement produced during President Obama’s visit to Japan in April. Not only has this act deepened differences between China and Japan and damaged regional peace, but it is also a simply wasted effort that has brought no benefit.

China’s regular naval patrol in the waters around the Diaoyu Islands has established China’s exercise of sovereignty over the islands and invalidates the U.S. and Japan’s conspiracy to infringe on China’s sovereignty via the islands. As China disputed ocean rights with the Philippines and other countries, U.S. involvement deepened: First, it claimed that protecting free usage of shipping lanes was a “national interest,” opposing the use or threat of force; later, it stood on the side of the Philippines and Vietnam, supporting them and openly criticizing China’s ordinary economic activities in the South China Sea as “provocations.” The U.S. subsequently ignored historical facts by claiming that the South China Sea question should be resolved according to international law, and then inhibiting China’s activities in its own territory and infringing on China’s territorial integrity.

Even more importantly, the U.S. has increased activities of aircraft carriers and submarines in the South China Sea. When China strongly opposed or intercepted this reconnaissance, high U.S. officials said that fighter planes should accompany spy planes to protect their passage. By thus attempting to instigate a conflict, the U.S. has wrecked the stability of the South China Sea and the U.S. and China’s bilateral military relations.

Fourth, U.S. attempts to increase cooperation with Asia and international trade and economic growth not only lack enthusiasm and supportive encouragement, but also raise obstacles to trade and exert a negative influence on the countries involved. The progress of the Asia Pacific in proposing and beginning to create a free trade region has real and positive significance for the eradication of trade barriers and smoother facilitation of trade.**

Asia’s establishment of an investment bank for basic infrastructure can make up for the insufficiencies of the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, and give a helping hand to developing countries in Asia that need investment to set up basic infrastructure.

The attitude of the U.S. toward the two initiatives mentioned has disappointed and earned the disdain of Asian countries and their people.

It appears that the U.S. theory of rebalance in Asia uses the same old mentality and zero-sum logic of the Cold War era; this is deeply rooted and will not be easily changed. American political elite and policy makers clearly do not seem to understand why the U.S. cannot solve Asia’s new 21st century challenges with a super-strong military force and a strategy of military alliances. They cannot understand that in Asia, promoting their country’s military hegemony will only damage peaceful stability and harm the personal interests of people across Asia.

They also cannot see that the countries and peoples of Asia always place the pursuit of development and promotion of cooperation at the forefront of foreign relations strategy, that they use cooperation to build mutual trust, and that using mutual trust to promote security and maintain prosperity is how Asia works.

Even more, the U.S. refuses to abandon its wild ambition to dominate Asia, or the old, mistaken idea that Asia must be “led’ by the United States.

Nevertheless, the general trend of Asian countries and peoples strengthening cooperation and promoting economic development will not change just because of American interference; it will become more and more clear that the U.S. does not take Asian countries’ and peoples’ core interests seriously, but only exerts dominance over the region for its own selfish interest. And so, as the United States continues to obstinately and heedlessly adhere to its erroneous Asia policy, the final result will be a gradual decline in U.S. influence on Asia.

That author is a researcher at the China International Issues Research Fund

*Translator’s note: Chinese press refers to what the U.S. – out of deference to Japan – calls the “Senkaku” Islands as the “Diaoyu” Islands.

**Translator’s note: This appears to refer to the Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement, a regional trade agreement that competes with the American-sponsored Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC).


吴祖荣:美亚洲政策“失误”越来越得到证实

自从美国宣布重返亚洲,并制定、实施亚洲再平衡战略四年来,美国没有给亚洲带来促进亚洲经济增长的正能量,而是日益增多的美国飞机、军舰和大炮造成的不安与忧虑。美国亚洲政策的失误被越来越多的事实得到证实。

  首先,美国以军事盟友划线,同亚洲各国打交道的传统模式已经失败。由于二战结束后国际冷战格局和东西方对抗等历史原因,美国在亚洲仍有通过缔结双边军事或防务协定形成的军事盟国,如日本、韩国、菲律宾和泰国等。面对世界经济全球化趋势加速发展,亚洲各国经济相互依存度大幅提高,亚洲和平发展大势滚滚向前的新形势,美国却以应对朝鲜军事威胁为借口,在找不到,也无法制造强大敌人的情况下,实施亚洲再平衡战略,特别加强同日本、菲律宾的军事关系,不断把最先进的军事装备部署在日本,并以驻军轮换的方式扩大在菲律宾的长期军事存在。美国还企图在亚洲国家中物色新的军事盟友,甚至跑到亚洲临近国家澳大利亚,在那里建立军事基地,增加常驻军力。近几年的事实表明,美国强化同军事盟友的关系、增加在亚洲军事力量的行径遭到亚洲各国和人民的冷落和唾弃。在美国强大压力和反复游说下,除个别国家同意美国军舰、军机停靠或降落外,至今未见任何一个亚洲国家公开加入美国的军事同盟,甚至菲律宾最近表示,不会允许美国永远在菲驻军。

  其次,亚洲各国都面临调整经济结构,促进经济增长和就业,维护金融稳定的重要任务。他们急切需要美国扩大从亚洲的进口,增加对亚洲的投资和发展援助,促进同亚洲各国的文化、教育和科技交流与合作。而美国却只顾自身利益,注重重写经贸游戏规则,企图向亚洲推销农产品等优势商品、陈旧的武器装备以增加出口。结果是,美国从亚洲的进口和对亚洲的投资和发展援助没有像增加在亚洲的驻军那样明显增多。美国的所作所为与亚洲各国和人民的需求南辕北辙。

  第三,美国以世界“领导”自居,在亚洲推行霸权主义和强权政治。美国伙同日本、菲律宾等国,深度介入东海、南海争端,作为域外国家寻找种种借口,企图主导处理争端原则的制定进程,把美方的立场和观点强加给有关各方。美方不仅没有改正与日本私相授受中国钓鱼岛管辖权的错误,而且违背国际关系基本准则,侵犯中国主权和领土完整,扬言中国钓鱼岛适用于美日安保条约第五条,并写入美国总统奥巴马今年4月访问日本时发表的美日联合声明。美方此举除了加深中日分歧,破坏地区和平外,徒劳无益。近几年中国在钓鱼岛领海内的常态化巡航,有效地行使了对钓鱼岛的管辖权,使美日勾结侵占中国领土钓鱼岛的图谋落空。在中国同菲律宾等国在南海岛屿和海洋权益的争端中,美国的介入不断深入,先是声称美国在维护南海航行自由方面拥有“国家利益”,在南海问题上反对胁迫,反对使用武力或以武力相威胁,后又站在菲律宾和越南一边,为菲、越撑腰打气,公开指责中国在南海的正常经济和公益活动为“挑衅”,接着无视历史事实,颠倒黑白,扬言要按照国际法解决南海问题,“冻结”中国在自己领土和领海内的各项工作,侵犯中国主权和领土完整。更有甚者,美国增加了航母和潜艇在南海的活动,在对华抵近侦察遭到中国强烈反对和军机拦截后,美国高级军官放话,要使用战斗机为对华抵近侦察的飞机护航,企图制造事端,破坏南海和平稳定和中美两国两军关系。

  第四,美国对亚洲加强合作,促进经贸发展和经济增长的新举措不仅没有热情支持和鼓励,反而设置障碍,对有关国家施加消极影响。亚太提出和启动构建自由贸易区进程,对消除贸易障碍,促进贸易便利化具有积极意义;亚洲创办基础设施投资银行可以弥补世界银行和亚洲开发银行的不足,给亚洲发展中国家基础设施投资助一臂之力。美国对上述两大举措的态度令亚洲各国和人民失望、鄙视。

  看来,美国制定和执行亚洲再平衡战略的理念,沿用冷战时期的陈旧思维和零和游戏逻辑,而且根深蒂固,难以轻易改变。美国政治精英和决策者弄不明白,为什么美国超强军事实力和军事结盟战略不能帮助解决21世纪亚洲出现的新挑战和新问题,在亚洲推进军事霸权只会破坏亚洲的和平稳定,损害亚洲各国和人民的切身利益。他们也看不到亚洲各国和人民始终把谋发展、促合作放在外交战略的首位,以合作促互信,以互信促安全、保繁荣是亚洲的大势。他们更不会放弃继续称霸亚洲的野心和亚洲必须由美国来“领导”的陈旧错误观念。然而,亚洲各国和人民加强团结合作,促进经济发展的大趋势不会因美国的干扰而改变;增加政治互信,追求共同安全的努力不会因美国超强军力的介入而停止;对美国把亚洲各国和人民根本利益放在脑后,为了一己私利称霸亚洲的真正意图将看得越来越清楚。所以,美国坚持错误的亚洲政策,一意孤行,最终的结果将是美国在亚洲影响力的逐渐式微。(作者是中国国际问题研究基金会研究员)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Austria: Soon Putin Will Have Successfully Alienated Trump

Australia: Trump’s Tariffs Were Already Ever-Changing. Now, Court Fights Add to the Uncertainty

Topics

Germany: Trump for the Charlemagne Prize!

Canada: It Turns Out Trump’s Tariffs Were Illegal After All

Australia: Trump’s Tariffs Were Already Ever-Changing. Now, Court Fights Add to the Uncertainty

Austria: Soon Putin Will Have Successfully Alienated Trump

Canada: Scorning Trump’s Golden Dome Would Be a Mistake

Related Articles

Hong Kong: The Lessons of World War II: The Real World Importance of Resisting Hegemony

Japan: Trump’s 100 Days: A Future with No Visible Change So Far

Mexico: The Trump Problem

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Venezuela: Vietnam: An Outlet for China