Within Republican ranks, rants which completely ignore facts have become a political program in their own right. They do not serve the U.S. at a time when democracies are faced with increased populism and are the target of Islamic State jihadis.
There were many on the other side of the Atlantic who thought that the U.S. democracy, with its population all of 330 million, would show its limitations by voting for a representative of one of the two dynasties that have dominated the U.S. political stage for decades: Jeb Bush or Hillary Clinton. On the one side, the brother of one of the worst presidents that the U.S. has ever known. On the other, a former first lady, former senator and former U.S. secretary of state. However, the 2016 electoral campaign has proven to be full of surprises. It saw the arrival of a former reality TV show host, billionaire Donald Trump, and of a "democratic socialist," Bernie Sanders, who wishes to stir up a revolution. After having elected the first African-American president, U.S. citizens are showing that they are unafraid of opening up possibilities.
However, this apparent vitality conceals a deep disquiet. Upon following electoral meetings in Iowa, there is a striking realization. Elites are detested and institutions slammed. Despite the fact that the U.S. only has two dominant parties, neither is spared by the insurrectional mood against Washington D.C., the all-powerful Wall Street, and the power of the lobbies. This, despite the fact that the Democratic administration saved the automobile industry and spearheaded the most ambitious health care reform since World War II. But a large part of the U.S. electorate only feels contempt for Barack Obama, who embodies all that they reject: a U.S. that tries to open itself to the world and who is trying to deal as best it can with globalization. Economic growth did not benefit everyone in a country where social inequalities have exploded.
The Republican Party – on the verge of implosion – is panicked by the unstoppable, unknown Donald Trump. On the Democratic side, even the hugely experienced Hillary Clinton, hindered by an email issue which could prove to be a problem during the electoral campaign, is finding it tricky to contain Bernie Sanders, found to be consistent and trustworthy. If the latter is castigating U.S. oligarchy, the Republicans’ rants against the establishment are broader. They have become a political program which, in itself, is not rooted in fact. But they do a disservice to the U.S. at a time when democracies are facing an increase in populism and are the target of Islamic State jihadis.
By painting an apocalyptic picture of the U.S., by singling out immigrants, the likes of Donald Trump, Ted Cruz and a majority of Republican leaders are positioning themselves to the extreme right of the political playing field. Such a policy of scorched earth is not without danger. It is capable of exacerbating the centrifugal forces in American society. For the worse.
La politique de la terre brûlée de l’anti-establishment
Chez les Républicains, les diatribes contre l’establishment deviennent un programme politique en soi qui ne s’embarrasse pas des faits. Elles ne servent pas l’Amérique à un moment où les démocraties sont victimes d’une montée du populisme et la cible des djihadistes de l’État islamique
Ils étaient nombreux outre-Atlantique à penser que la démocratie américaine, forte de 330 millions d’âmes, allait montrer ses limites en élisant, le 8 novembre prochain, un représentant de l’une des deux dynasties qui ont dominé la scène politique américaine depuis des décennies: Jeb Bush ou Hillary Clinton. D’un côté le frère d’un des plus mauvais présidents que l’Amérique ait connus. De l’autre, une ex-First Lady, ex-sénatrice et ex-secrétaire d’État. Or la campagne électorale 2016 a déjoué tous les pronostics. Elle a vu débarquer l’ex-animateur d’une émission de télévision, le milliardaire Donald Trump et un «socialiste démocratique», Bernie Sanders, qui veut faire la révolution. Après avoir élu le premier président noir, les Américains montrent qu’ils n’ont pas peur d’ouvrir le champ des possibles.
Cette apparente vitalité cache toutefois un profond malaise. A suivre les meetings électoraux en Iowa, un constat frappe. Les élites sont honnies, les institutions vilipendées. L’Amérique n’a beau avoir que deux partis dominants, aucun n’est épargné par la vague insurrectionnelle contre Washington, la toute-puissance de Wall Street et le pouvoir des lobbies. L’administration démocrate a pourtant sauvé l’industrie automobile et mené la réforme de la santé la plus ambitieuse depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Mais une partie des Américains n’éprouvent que mépris pour un Barack Obama qui incarne ce qu’ils refusent: une Amérique qui tente de s’ouvrir au monde et d’intégrer au mieux la globalisation. La reprise économique n’a pas profité à tout le monde dans un pays où les inégalités sociales ont explosé.
Le Parti républicain, au bord de l’implosion, est paniqué par l’ovni Donald Trump qu’elle n’arrive pas à arrêter. Du côté démocrate, même la très expérimentée Hillary Clinton, poursuivie par une affaire d’e-mails susceptible de lui jouer un mauvais tour dans la campagne électorale, peine à contenir la montée en puissance de Bernie Sanders jugé cohérent et digne de confiance. Si ce dernier fustige l’oligarchie américaine, les diatribes républicaines contre l’establishment vont beaucoup plus loin. Elles deviennent un programme politique en soi qui ne s’embarrasse pas des faits. Mais elles ne servent pas l’Amérique à un moment où les démocraties libérales sont victimes d’une montée préoccupante du populisme et la cible des djihadistes de l’État islamique.
En brossant un portrait apocalyptique des Etats-Unis, en stigmatisant l’immigrant, les Donald Trump, Ted Cruz et une majorité des candidats républicains se rangent à l’extrême droite de l’échiquier politique. Une telle politique de la terre brûlée n’est pas sans danger. Elle est capable d’exacerber les forces centrifuges de la société américaine. Pour le pire.
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As a democratic Socialist myself I was pleased about Bernie Sanders’ crushing win over Hillary Clinton in the New Hampshire Democratic primary ( Sanders with 60 percent ). And I was pleased to learn that a poll in my neighboring state of Rhode Island also predicts a big victory here for the ” socialist ” Democrat Bernie Sanders ( 60 percent ).
There is a simple Marxist explanation for the rise of anti-establishment presidential candidates here : the decay of capitalism and the reality of the class struggle. Obscene economic inequality is all too obvious to working class people. The American middle class is disappearing. Even Republican Donald Trump says : ” The American Dream is dead “.
History teaches that the ruined middle class can turn to fascism-as they did in Nazi Germany in the 1930s . I see Bernie Sanders as more New Deal liberal than radical socialist in the tradition of Eugene V. Debs.
Of course peaceful, progressive change is infinitely preferable to bloody revolution. But our ONE PERCENT is probably the meanest capitalist ruling class in the world.
But TRUTH is also subversive . And TRUTH is on the side of progressive forces. I think Marx was wrong about religion always and everywhere being the ” opium of the people “. Catholic social philosophy, for example, can make Bernie Sanders seem like a timid liberal. No doubt Bernie’s left wing politics has been shaped by the ” socialist Jew ” tradition in New York . Read socialist Irving Howe’s ” World of Our Fathers “. Not a few socialists among the older generation of New York Jews. They had a feel, an empathy for the persecuted of the world.
But I remain a critical supporter of ” socialist ” Bernie Sanders. I will certainly vote for him in the Rhode Island primary.
[ http://radicalrons.blogspot.com]
As a democratic Socialist myself I was pleased about Bernie Sanders’ crushing win over Hillary Clinton in the New Hampshire Democratic primary ( Sanders with 60 percent ). And I was pleased to learn that a poll in my neighboring state of Rhode Island also predicts a big victory here for the ” socialist ” Democrat Bernie Sanders ( 60 percent ).
There is a simple Marxist explanation for the rise of anti-establishment presidential candidates here : the decay of capitalism and the reality of the class struggle. Obscene economic inequality is all too obvious to working class people. The American middle class is disappearing. Even Republican Donald Trump says : ” The American Dream is dead “.
History teaches that the ruined middle class can turn to fascism-as they did in Nazi Germany in the 1930s . I see Bernie Sanders as more New Deal liberal than radical socialist in the tradition of Eugene V. Debs.
Of course peaceful, progressive change is infinitely preferable to bloody revolution. But our ONE PERCENT is probably the meanest capitalist ruling class in the world.
But TRUTH is also subversive . And TRUTH is on the side of progressive forces. I think Marx was wrong about religion always and everywhere being the ” opium of the people “. Catholic social philosophy, for example, can make Bernie Sanders seem like a timid liberal. No doubt Bernie’s left wing politics has been shaped by the ” socialist Jew ” tradition in New York . Read socialist Irving Howe’s ” World of Our Fathers “. Not a few socialists among the older generation of New York Jews. They had a feel, an empathy for the persecuted of the world.
But I remain a critical supporter of ” socialist ” Bernie Sanders. I will certainly vote for him in the Rhode Island primary.
[ http://radicalrons.blogspot.com]