Don’t Let the Bonds of Anpo Wither Away After 60 Years

Published in Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei)
(Japan) on 18 January 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Japan and the United States welcome the 60th anniversary of the current U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. Postwar Japan enjoyed prosperity due to the support of the Japanese-American alliance. This should be appreciated anew. Yet, with the trend of prioritizing one’s own country spreading around the world, it is not as if the bonds linking both countries won’t waver. We would like to take this opportunity to look back on the path of the Japan-U.S. security alliance and consider our future course.

Protecting its citizens’ security is one of a nation’s important missions, and our defensive capabilities cannot be neglected. That being said, as a victim of nuclear disaster, Japan does not have the option to nuclearize, which limits our self-defense. Of course, it is reassuring to have good friends.

Early modern Japan advanced as a great power by forging friendly relations with Britain and America, and defeating Russia. Afterward, Japan redirected its course to a trilateral alliance with Germany and Italy, inviting defeat.

The original Anpo treaty that was reached in 1951 confirmed the American occupation.* The current treaty signed by Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi in 1960 clarified the division of roles between Japan and America. It is fair to say that Japan itself chose to ally with the U.S. The Socialist Party, which advocated for demilitarized and neutral status, failed to win voter support and shriveled away.

So was it best to applaud the Liberal Democratic Party’s option? That might be jumping to conclusions. At present, roughly 90% of the people support the existence of the military, but when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe gave limited approval to the principle of collective defense missions, even the ruling Komeito expressed reservations about unobstructed expansion of the military’s area of activity.**

This anxiety about traveling to the ends of the earth has the same root as the anxiety lurking behind the demilitarized neutralist position: that the Anpo treaty will drag us into America’s wars.

There also seems to be a trend in the LDP toward bold voices that call for pushing China back by force under the security alliance with America. Is this truly the people’s will? The American military probably does not want to get wrapped up in an unnecessary conflict between Japan and China.

President Donald Trump has hinted at withdrawing American forces from Japan. In Japan this tends to get dismissed as a bluff made to increase the allocation for various items in the sympathy budget, but, in fact, the number of Americans who think that they cannot assume the burden of other countries’ security is increasing.*** This trend may not change with a post-Trump administration.

The important thing is to develop the Japanese-American alliance so that both parties realize equal advantages. Not too much dependence, not too much distance. We cannot let a 60-year-old alliance become a cipher.

*Translator’s note: “Anpo” (“security”) is a common shorthand for the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty in Japan.

**Translator’s note: The LDP’s partner in Japan’s governing coalition.

***Translator’s note: The “sympathy budget” refers to the funds that Japan pays to host American forces.




日本と米国がいまの安全保障条約を結んで60年の節目を迎えた。日米同盟に支えられ、戦後日本は繁栄を謳歌した。このことは改めて評価されるべきだ。ただ、自国第一主義の風潮が世界に広がり、両国の絆にも揺らぎがないわけではない。日米安保体制の軌跡を振り返り、私たちのこれからの針路を考える機会にしたい。

国民の安全を守るのは、国家の重要な使命のひとつであり、防衛力整備をおろそかにしてはならない。さりとて、被爆国の日本が核武装する選択肢はあり得ないし、自主防衛には限界がある。やはり仲間がいた方が心強い。

近代日本は英米との友好関係のもとでロシアを破り、大国へと躍り出た。その後、ドイツやイタリアとの三国同盟に方向転換し、あの敗戦を招いた。

日米が1951年に締結した旧安保条約は、米軍の占領体制を追認したものだった。岸信介首相が60年に調印した現条約は、日米双方の役割分担を明確にした。日本自らが日米基軸という針路を選び取ったといってよい。非武装中立論を訴えた社会党は有権者の支持を得られず、衰退した。

では、自民党政権の選択を褒めたたえていればよいのか。それはあまりに短絡的な見方だ。いま国民の9割前後が自衛隊の存在を支持しているが、安倍晋三首相が集団的自衛権行使の限定容認に踏み切った際、自衛隊の活動領域の歯止めなき拡大への懸念は、与党の公明党からも出た。

この「地球の裏側までも行くのか」という不安は、非武装中立論の背後にあった「日米安保によって米国の戦争に巻き込まれる」という不安と根は同じだ。

自民党には「日米同盟によって中国を力で押し返す」といった勇ましい声をあげる向きもあるようだ。それが本当に民意なのか。米軍だって日中の無用な紛争に巻き込まれたくはないだろう。

トランプ米大統領は在日米軍の撤退をほのめかしてきた。日本ではいわゆる思いやり予算の増額を引き出すためのブラフと軽視されがちだが、他国の安保まで面倒見切れないと考える米国民が増えているのは事実だ。ポスト・トランプ政権でも傾向は変わるまい。

大事なのは、日米が等しく利益を得られる同盟に育てていくことだ。寄りかかりすぎず、遠ざけもせず。還暦の同盟を形骸化させてはならない。
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