Western Reconstruction

Published in El País
(Spain) on 20 January 2021
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Derek Sears. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Biden’s presidency is an opportunity for democracies to find a new path toward political efficacy and inclusive capitalism.

The journey to the end of a long, dark night that the U.S. and the West suffered with Donald Trump at the helm has ended. Four years of democratic degeneration, of systematic lying, of encouraging the worst human instincts and of incompetent administration are ending. Trump leaves behind a legacy of division, suspicion and resentment. Joe Biden’s arrival in the White House as the 46th president heralds a new dawn, and there are abundant reasons to celebrate. Nevertheless, there is no guarantee this moment will last long or be bright. The Herculean task of pulling off a new day in a presidential term that appears to be the most complicated since World War II rests on the the shoulders of this 78-year-old politician, who is not particularly charismatic and whose instincts are pragmatic and moderate. The U.S. and the West need to succeed in neutralizing the threat of decline that they face.

Biden faces three orders of extraordinary challenge. The first and immediate challenge is the scourge of COVID-19 and its impact on health (there are already 400,000 recorded deaths) and the economy. (There are some 9 million fewer jobs than last February.) The second and underlying challenge is the disease besetting democracy in the U.S., with serious societal division and weakness that Trumpism has exposed (including the way the Republican Party’s resolve dissolved like sugar against the dictatorial nature of a populist businessman and the terrible role that social networks and certain media outlets played). The third and external challenge is the unstoppable ascent of China and the corresponding erosion of American and Western dominance.

The task is awful; success, if not improbable, at least will be exceedingly difficult. However, at the start of this administration, certain elements point in a hopeful direction. The president’s first words and gestures demonstrate that he has an acute understanding of the problems he faces, and of the fact his position does not allow a mediocre response. The new government team shows notable solidarity; the fact that the Democrats control of both chambers of Congress, albeit with a minimal advantage, will facilitate the legislative tasks ahead.

Three words stood out in Biden’s inaugural address: unity, truth and democracy. They were meant to mend the anguish Americans have suffered, to eliminate the virus of manipulated facts that impedes consensus and to restore the strength of a democracy under siege, as physically demonstrated by the fact that the transition of power was celebrated with exceptional security measures. Nevertheless, the discourse and Biden’s first gestures show a righteous willingness to seek extraordinary solutions for extraordinary times.

Moderation is a spiritual attitude that does not signify cowardice; pragmatism is not synonymous with hesitation or weakness; a lack of charisma does not equal an incapacity to build. In his first steps, Biden is initiating a wide offense as he dismantles the most brutal aspects of the Trump presidency through executive orders. Biden is advancing an enormous new plan of economic relief valued at $1.9 trillion, which adds to the previous relief packages in an overwhelming public presentation. He is preparing a vigorous ecological transition and plans to firmly reincorporate the United States into the international order, an order which it principally created and was possibly its principal beneficiary. All of this is headed in the right direction.

There is a promising team that will support Biden, including many accomplished and diverse figures (Janet Yellen as treasury secretary, John Kerry as special presidential envoy for climate and Antony Blinken as secretary of state, and his own vice president, Kamala Harris). The team may lack freshness and novelty, but experience abounds. The conquest of the Senate under extreme circumstances opens a narrow path to passage of legislation, even though it will be necessary to maintain complete unity in the Democratic Party with its divided membership.

In key foreign issues, Biden’s administration will have to handle an emergent China, which is reducing the margin of economic, military and technological advantage that Washington enjoys every year. This rivalry has the risk of becoming a new cold war. On that note, Biden will have to search for balance between staying the course and avoiding conflict, and handling the responsibility as “primus inter pares” of promoting the realignment of liberal democracies that have been unraveled during the Trump years.* These democracies share values, but not necessarily interests. Each of these democracies should calculate the cost of being guided more by the latter than by the former. On this side of the Atlantic, the transition in Washington coincides with Angela Merkel’s departure as the next primary 21st century European leader.

The most fundamental thing to remember is that Trump is not a cancer that has been surgically removed from democracy. He is a symptom. The civil discontent that marked his rise; the information and digital media that allowed it, the sycophantic attitude of the political establishment all leads to him. Democracies are fragile, as Biden reminded us, and it is not only true with respect to the United States. With Trump’s departure, the Medusa still has her head. Thus, the monster is still capable of petrifying those who fix their gaze on her. “We will be back in some form,” Trump said yesterday when he left. The real estate magnate was only the most visible of the snakes in Medusa’s hair. The West should undertake to rebuild itself into a more effective body politic and a more inclusive kind of capitalism. Biden’s new day is an opportunity to do so.

*Editor’s note: “Primus inter pares” is a Latin phrase which means a first among equals, the senior or representative member of a group.


La reconstrucción de Occidente

La presidencia de Biden es la oportunidad para que las democracias hallen un nuevo camino de eficacia política y capitalismo inclusivo

El viaje al fin de la noche que Estados Unidos, y Occidente, han sufrido con Donald Trump como gran timonel ha concluido. Cuatro años de degeneración democrática, de mentiras sistemáticas, de aliento de los peores instintos humanos y de administración incompetente terminan. El legado que dejan es división, desconfianza, rencor. La llegada de Joe Biden a la Casa Blanca como 46º presidente de EE UU alumbra un nuevo día y abundan los motivos para celebrarlo. No hay, sin embargo, ninguna garantía de que este sea largo y soleado. Pesa sobre los hombros de este político de 78 años, sin especial carisma y de instintos pragmáticos y moderados, la hercúlea tarea de lograrlo en un mandato presidencial que se presenta como el más complejo desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. EE UU y Occidente necesitan que tenga éxito para neutralizar la amenaza de declive que se ciñe sobre ellos.

Biden afronta tres órdenes de desafíos extraordinarios. El primero e inmediato es el flagelo pandémico, en sus vertientes sanitarias (ya 400.000 muertos registrados) y económicas (unos nueve millones de empleados menos que en febrero). El segundo y subyacente es la enfermedad de la democracia estadounidense, con la grave división de su sociedad y las debilidades que ha expuesto el trumpismo (entre ellas, la disolución cual azucarillo de la espina dorsal de un partido como el republicano al dictado del magnate populista y el terrible papel de las redes sociales y algunos medios). El tercero y exterior es el imparable ascenso de China y la correspondiente erosión de la prominencia de EE UU y Occidente.

La tarea es ímproba; el éxito, si no improbable, cuando menos muy difícil. Pero, de entrada, algunos elementos apuntan en una dirección esperanzadora: las primeras palabras y gestos del nuevo mandatario muestran una precisa comprensión de los problemas y de que su calado no admite respuestas tibias; el equipo gubernamental exhibe notable solidez; el control por parte de los demócratas de ambas Cámaras, aunque sea por la mínima, facilita la tarea legislativa.

Tres palabras destacaron en el discurso inaugural de Biden: unidad, verdad, democracia. Su significado: recoser el desgarro que ha sufrido la sociedad estadounidense, desterrar el virus de la manipulación de los hechos que impide los consensos y, en definitiva, restaurar el vigor de una democracia bajo asedio, como demostraba físicamente una toma de posesión celebrada con medidas de seguridad excepcionales. El discurso, además, y los primeros gestos apuntaron a una justa voluntad de atrevimiento para buscar soluciones extraordinarias para tiempos que también lo son.

La moderación es una actitud del espíritu que no significa cobardía; el pragmatismo no es sinónimo de titubeo o debilidad; la falta de carisma no equivale a incapacidad para construir. En sus primeros compases, Biden lanza una amplia ofensiva de desmontaje de los aspectos más brutales de la presidencia de Trump vía órdenes ejecutivas; impulsa un nuevo enorme plan de apoyo a la economía por valor de 1,9 billones de dólares, que se suma a los anteriores en un despliegue público apabullante; prepara una vigorosa transición ecológica y la reincorporación sin titubeos de EE UU en el orden internacional, del que fue el principal creador y, posiblemente, beneficiario. Todo ello va en la buena dirección.

El equipo que le respaldará en esta tarea es prometedor, con figuras de gran solvencia (Janet Yellen para el Tesoro, John Kerry para el clima, Antony Blinken para Exteriores o la propia vicepresidenta, Kamala Harris) y mucha diversidad. Falta frescura y novedad, pero abunda la experiencia. La conquista in extremis del Senado abre un estrecho paso a la aprobación de medidas legislativas, aunque será necesario mantener unido un Partido Demócrata con distintas almas.

En clave externa, su Administración tendrá que gestionar el vertiginoso ascenso chino, que cada año reduce el margen de la ventaja económica, militar y tecnológica de la que goza Washington. Esta rivalidad tiene riesgos de convertirse en una nueva guerra fría. En ese marco, Biden tendrá que buscar el equilibrio entre mantener el pulso pero no incendiar conflictos y la responsabilidad, como primus inter pares, de promover una realineación del grupo de las democracias liberales, muy deshilachado en los años de Trump. Estas comparten valores, pero no siempre intereses. Todas ellas deben calcular bien el coste de guiarse más por los segundos que por los primeros. El cambio de Washington coincide, a este lado del Atlántico, con la próxima salida de escena de Angela Merkel, principal líder europea en el siglo XXI.

Lo fundamental es no olvidar que Trump no es un tumor de la democracia ya extirpado. Es un síntoma. El descontento ciudadano que subyace a su auge; los medios digitales e informativos que lo permitieron; la actitud lacaya de parte del estamento político… todo sigue ahí. Las democracias son frágiles, recordó Biden. No vale solo para EE UU. Con la salida de Trump, la monstruosa medusa no está decapitada. Sigue por tanto teniendo capacidad de petrificar a quienes fijan su mirada en sus ojos. “Volveremos, de alguna manera”, advirtió ayer en su despedida. El magnate era solo la más visible de las serpientes que tiene Medusa por cabello. Occidente debe emprender una reconstrucción, rumbo a una política más eficaz y un capitalismo más inclusivo. El nuevo día de Biden es la oportunidad.
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