He has been the underdog, the new old man in the White House. Biden's new economic policy and its social profile are as strongly progressive as anything Bernie Sanders could have dreamed of. The historically massive aid package, which Congress has now passed, could be the start of a major reform of American welfare policy. Nevertheless, the infamous filibuster still stands in the way of the most crucial reforms.
Joe Biden was elected as "the moderate president." However, he expresses a willingness to put an end to the fundamental miseries of the United States in a style and degree hardly seen since Franklin D. Roosevelt became president in 1933. Biden has put together one of the most experienced and competent teams of Cabinet members and advisers any president has ever presented. These people are also keen to deliver improvements to the vast majority of Americans so that the Democrats can win the midterm elections in two years’ time.
Historically, Biden was lucky to win the Georgia Senate runoff elections in January, which secured him a razor-thin Senate majority and thus the opportunity to break Republican blocking tactics against all progressive policies. This was something that often paralyzed both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama during their presidential terms. Very quickly, it has become apparent that the vicious Republican Senate leader, Mitch McConnell, as usual will try to shoot down everything that comes from the new administration. What is more, it has turned out that Biden does not suffer from the illusion that Obama initially held as president — namely, that one could appeal to the Republicans’ better nature.
Biden has indeed talked about reaching across the aisle and making broad compromises with the Republicans. However, he interprets this as using the possible majority — in practice, the majority consisting of Democrats alone — to make improvements that also benefit the other party's voters.
Therefore, in three weeks, the astronomical $1.9 trillion aid package was passed in both houses of Congress without the help of even one single Republican.
The package is not just a form of emergency aid for many people who have become unemployed, who may even starve or are about to be evicted from their homes because the COVID-19 pandemic shutdown has turned people’s financial lives upside down. Moderate economists believe, however, that the economy will become too overheated, which could lead to inflation in the country.
The issue is that the package, along with the successful vaccine rollout, paves the way for rapidly bringing down unemployment and sending a noticeable stimulus out into the global economy. At the same time, there is a major focus on creating an economic recovery in combination with initiatives against climate change and toward a more sustainable development, such as a focus on renewable energy.
The package also lays the groundwork for what undoubtedly are intended to be lasting improvements in welfare. One could talk about the beginning of a welfare state of a European nature: child allowances for all families, subsidies for Affordable Care Act enrollment, massive support for states and local governments to address many years of public service cutbacks.
With his gigantic program to restore America's degraded public infrastructure, Biden will also strengthen his green policy. In addition, Biden has a plan to erase Donald Trump's wave of insanely generous tax breaks for the superrich and raise corporate taxes. The latter is particularly interesting because so far the Western world has fought among itself to attract international investments by lowering taxes on corporations.
Attracting investments by lowering corporate taxes is probably a far less effective method than investing in better education and infrastructure. It is noteworthy, however, that in the United Kingdom Boris Johnson will also raise corporate taxes. Eventually, someone will have to pay for the COVID-19 relief packages. Perhaps raising corporate taxes will inspire the European Union countries to make the wealthy and corporations for once pay a large portion of the bill.
The big question that presents itself is whether Biden can persuade Congress to pass the next wave of infrastructure and tax proposals. In passing the $1.9 trillion package, Biden used a special procedural tool known as reconciliation. Reconciliation prevented Republicans from using the filibuster — speaking for hours on end and in practice requiring that at least 10 Republicans support all the Democrats, which is unthinkable.
I do not understand the nooks and crannies of the American political system well enough to determine whether it is possible to implement the infrastructure plan and tax increases with the help of the reconciliation process the Democrats just used for the relief aid package.* However, the filibuster must be eliminated if Biden is to implement progressive reforms of, for example, the educational system and the judiciary, and if social improvements from the recovery package are to be made permanent.
And in reality, most importantly: The filibuster must be eliminated if Biden is to succeed in blocking massive Republican attempts to restrict voter turnout for Blacks, Latinos and poor whites, which is spreading like wildfire through Republican-majority state legislatures.
Easier access to voting (as well as mail-in voting) was largely what defeated Trump. New creative voting restrictions are now being implemented, such as making it more difficult to vote, creating further distance between polling stations and grotesque bans on distributing pizza and water to those who have to wait for hours to reach understaffed polling stations in poor neighborhoods.
For a number of reasons, one can argue that the filibuster must be eliminated, as this is a crucial precondition for Biden to be able to follow through with his reform policies over the next four years. Paradoxically, it can happen with the Democrats' votes alone if they dare and if they agree. History shows that the filibuster has been unilaterally used by Republicans to slow down social progress. I am guessing that its elimination will require significant funding for conservative-leaning Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin in West Virginia. This state needs it more than others do, and it is well worth the price if the policy that benefits the vast majority of Americans is to be implemented. I wonder if the old man in the White House, who was a senator from 1972-2009, will find his way.
The author is the former Danish minister of foreign affairs and former president of the U.N. General Assembly.
*Editor's Note: A Senate parliamentarian has ruled that Biden's infrastructure package could be passed using the budget reconciliation procedure.
Mogens Lykketoft: Biden kan blive den største reformator i USA siden Franklin D. Roosevelt
08.04.2021
Han har været undertippet, den nye gamle mand i Det Hvide Hus. Joe Bidens nye økonomiske politik og dens sociale profil er så stærkt progressiv som noget, Bernie Sanders kunne have drømt om, og den historisk store hjælpepakke, der nu er blevet vedtaget i Kongressen, kan blive startskuddet på en stor reformering af amerikansk velfærdspolitik. Men den berygtede filibuster står fortsat i vejen for de mest afgørende reformer.
Kommentar af Mogens Lykketoft, fhv. udenrigsminister og formand for FN’s Generalforsamling
BIDEN BLEV VALGT som ”den moderate præsident”. Men han udtrykker viljen til at gøre op med USA’s grundlæggende elendigheder i en stil og grad, der næppe er set, siden Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) blev indsat i 1933. Biden har sammensat et af de mest erfarne og kompetente hold af ministre og rådgivere, nogen præsident er mødt frem med – og det er også folk, der er opsatte på at levere forbedringer til det store flertal af amerikanerne, så også midtvejsvalget om to år kan vindes af Demokraterne.
Bidens historiske held har været, at omvalget i Georgia i januar lige præcis sikrede ham flertallet i Senatet og dermed muligheden for at bryde den Republikanske blokade mod al progressiv politik, der så ofte lammede både Bill Clinton og Barack Obama i deres præsidentperioder. Det har meget hurtigt vist sig, at den ondskabsfulde Republikanske senatsleder, Mitch McConnell, som sædvanligt vil forsøge at skyde alt ned, der kommer fra den nye regering. Og det har vist sig, at Biden ikke lider af de illusioner, som Obama indledningsvis havde som præsident – at man kan tale til Republikanernes bedre jeg.
Vel har Biden talt om at række hen over midten og lave brede forlig med Republikanerne. Men han fortolker det som at bruge det mulige flertal – i praksis Demokraterne alene – til at lave forbedringer til gavn for også det andet partis vælgere.
Derfor slæbte han på tre uger den økonomiske hjælpepakkes astronomiske 1.900 mia. dollars gennem begge Kongressens kamre uden hjælp fra en eneste Republikaner.
Pakken er ikke blot akut hjælp til de mange, der er blevet ledige, måske endda sulter eller er ved at blive smidt ud af deres bolig, fordi pandemiens nedlukning har væltet deres privatøkonomi. Moderate økonomer mener dog, det er en for voldsom ophedning af økonomien og derfor kan føre til inflation i landet.
Sagen er imidlertid, at pakken sammen med den vellykkede vaccineudrulning baner vejen for hurtigt at bringe arbejdsløsheden ned og sende en mærkbar stimulans ud i den samlede verdensøkonomi. Samtidig er der tale om et stort fokus på at skabe et økonomisk opsving, der kan kombineres med en indsats mod klimaforandringerne og for mere bæredygtig udvikling , bl.a. med satsning på vedvarende energi.
Pakken lægger også linjen for, hvad der utvivlsomt er ment som varige velfærdsforbedringer. Man kunne tale om begyndelsen på en velfærdsstat af mere europæisk tilsnit: Børnetilskud til alle familier, tilskud til at melde sig til Obamacare (Obamas sundhedsreform), massiv støtte til stater og kommuner til at imødegå mange års nedskæringspolitik på den offentlige service.
DEN GRØNNE KURS vil blive styrket også med det gigantiske program for at genoprette USA’s nedslidte offentlige infrastruktur. Og Biden har en plan om at slette Trumps bølge at afsindigt rundhåndede skattelettelser til de superrige og hæve selskabsskatten. Det sidste er særligt interessant, fordi den vestlige verden hidtil har bedrevet en alles konkurrence mod alle om at tiltrække internationale investeringer ved at sænke selskabsskatten.
Det er formentlig en langt mindre effektiv metode til at tiltrække sig investeringer end ved at satse på god uddannelse og infrastruktur. Det er dog bemærkelsesværdigt, at også Boris Johnson i Storbritannien nu vil hæve selskabsskatten. Måske var der her en inspiration for også EU-landene til for en gangs skyld at sende en stor del af regningen til de superrige personer og selskaber, når der hen ad vejen skal betales for coronakrisens genopretningspakker.
Det store spørgsmål er nu, om Biden kan komme igennem Kongressen med den næste bølge af forslag om infrastruktur og skatteændringer. Pakken på 1900 mia. dollars passerede jo efter en særlig regel for finanspakker, der forhindrede Republikanere i at tale den ihjel med den såkaldte filibusterregel, der reelt kræver, at mindst 10 af Republikanerne er ombord sammen med samtlige Demokrater. Hvilket reelt er utænkeligt.
Jeg forstår ikke krinkelkrogene i det amerikanske politiske system nok til at afgøre, om også infrastrukturpakken og skatteforhøjelserne kan gennemføres med det smuthul, Demokraterne netop har brugt til hjælpepakken. Men filibusterreglen skal likvideres, hvis Biden skal føre progressive reformer af bl.a. uddannelsessystem og retsvæsen igennem, og hvis de sociale forbedringer fra genopretningspakken skal gøres permanente.
OG I VIRKELIGHEDEN ALLERMEST AFGØRENDE: Hvis Biden skal have held med at standse de massive forsøg fra Republikanerne på at begrænse valgdeltagelsen for sorte, latinoer og fattige hvide – der går som en steppebrand gennem kongresserne i de Republikansk styrede delstater.
Det var i høj grad den lettere adgang til at stemme (også pr. brev), der væltede Trump. Nu strammes der med stor opfindsomhed til med vanskeligere adgang til at stemmebemyndigelse og længere mellem valgstederne – og groteske forbud mod at uddele pizza og vand til dem, der må vente i timevis på at komme frem til underbemandede valgsteder i de fattige kvarterer.
Man kan derfor af en hel masse grunde argumentere for, at den afgørende forudsætning for, at Biden kan fuldføre sin reformpolitik over de næste fire år, er, at filibusteren likvideres. Det kan – paradoksalt nok – ske med Demokraternes stemmer alene, hvis de tør, og hvis de enes. Al historisk erfaring viser at filibusteren ensidigt har været anvendt af Republikanerne til at bremse sociale fremskridt. Jeg gætter på, at den afskaffelse kræver betydelige midler til den konservative Demokratiske senator Joe Manchin i West Virginia. Men dels har denne stat mere brug for det end andre, dels er det i høj grad prisen værd, hvis den politik, som det store flertal af amerikanerne har gavn af, skal kunne gennemføres. Så mon ikke de gamle mand i Det Hvide Hus, der sad i Senatet far 1972-2009, finder vejen?
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