National Security: Don’t Forget about Constitutional Defense Principles

Published in Kyoto Shinbun
(Japan) on 25 October 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dani Long. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
How do you deal with China as it moves to strengthen an economic and military hegemony? This is the biggest issue regarding national security in Japan right now.

Since the beginning of the Biden administration, tension between the U.S. and China has become one democracy vs. tyranny. How Japan will handle the shifting situation between these two countries from the geographic and political position it occupies between them will be an important issue during the upcoming Diet election.

The United States will create a blockade around China with Japa, among other countries. In September, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a cooperative framework of cooperating nations including Japan, the U.S., Australia and India, held its first direct meeting. The United States, the United Kingdom and Australia have also formed a three-nation national security group called AUKUS.

In April, Joe Biden also discussed peace and stability in the Taiwan strait with former Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide.

It was further confirmed that the United States is obligated to defend Okinawa and the Senkaku Islands under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty.

The Liberal Democratic Party, Komeito, and the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan surely each based their values on the U.S.-Japanese alliance. What they have in common is that they are resolutely opposed to China, which is not backing down from the authoritarian position it has taken.

However, if the alliance with the United States advances in terms of security, there is a risk of getting involved in the U.S.-China conflict.

Although the LDP, including Prime Minister Kishida Fumio, seeks unity with democratic nations such as the United States, it also seeks to avoid direct conflict with China, a country with which Japan has deep economic ties.

What position Japan should take with respect to the United States and China is sure to be an issue regardless of which political party takes power. We must develop a new diplomatic strategy.

If we enhance our defense capabilities in anticipation of a possible emergency in the Taiwan Strait, this could increase the tension between Japan and China.

Japan’s defense spending has increased every year since 2013. Budget requests for the 2022 fiscal year are the largest ever and exceed 5.4 trillion yen (approximately $47 billion).

The LDP has made a campaign pledge that to increase defense spending by at least 2% of Japan’s gross domestic product. Until now, defense spending has constituted less than 1% of Japan’s GDP, but it could see a significant increase.

As North Korea conducts repeated nuclear missile testing, the state of Japan’s missile defense system is becoming a focal point. The LDP considers “the ability to attack an enemy’s base” to be “one of the options.”

On the other hand, the Komeito Party, which will form a coalition with the LDP, considers this a difficult option. The CDPJ insists on “careful analysis,” which the Communist Party absolutely opposes. The Japan Innovation Party is advocating for defense technology, while the Democratic Party for the People argues for conducting a realistic discussion within the scope of Japan’s constitution.

The question of whether to employ such defensive technology is a problem that may deviate from the principle of “nonaggressive defense” as stipulated in the constitution, and would significantly change the current security policy.

As for relations with the United States, the relocation of Futenma Air Station in Okinawa from Ginowan to Henoko is a point of contention between the ruling and opposition parties.

In a prefectural vote two years ago, more than 70% of Okinawan citizens opposed the relocation. Although the seabed around Henoko was found to be softer than expected prolonging construction and delaying the relocation, the LDP says that relocation is “progressing steadily,” something the Komeito Party agrees with.

Opposition parties, including the CDPJ and the Communist Party, agree that the efforts should be suspended, but I believe Japan should discuss specific alternatives.

Each party should also clearly demonstrate its plans for the future regarding measures to reduce the burden of military concentration on Okinawa.


軍事、経済面で覇権的な動きを強めている中国とどう向き合うのか。日本の安全保障を巡る最大の課題である。

 バイデン米政権誕生により、米中の対立は「民主主義対専制主義」の様相ともなっている。米中のはざまで、日本は東アジアの情勢変化にどう対処するのか、衆院選の重要な争点になろう。

 米国は日本などを加える形で対中国包囲網を形成する。9月にはオーストラリア、インドとの4カ国の協力枠組み「クアッド」首脳が初の直接会合を開いた。それに先立ち、米英豪3カ国による安全保障の枠組み「オーカス」を構築した。

バイデン氏は4月に菅義偉前首相との共同声明で、台湾海峡の平和と安定に言及した。

 沖縄県・尖閣諸島が米国の防衛義務を定めた日米安保条約の適用対象だとも確認した。

 自民、公明、立憲民主の各党は「日米同盟を基軸」とする考えでおおよそ違いはない。強権的な構えを崩さない中国に対し、毅然(きぜん)と対応するとの姿勢でも共通する。

 ただ、安全保障面で米国との一体化が進めば、米中対立に巻き込まれる恐れもある。

 岸田文雄首相を含めてこれまでの自民政権は、米国を含む民主主義国との結束を図る一方、経済面で深く結び付く中国との決定的対立を避けてきた。

 米中間でどのような立ち位置をとるか、どの政党が政権を担っても課題となる。新たな外交戦略を描かねばならない。

 台湾海峡などでの有事を想定して防衛力を強化すれば、日中の緊張は高まるだろう。

 日本の防衛費は2013年以降、年々増加し、22年度予算の概算要求は過去最大規模の5兆4千億円余りとなっている。

 自民は公約で、GDP(国内総生産)比目標「2%以上も念頭に」との増額方針を明記した。防衛費はこれまで1%以内が目安とされてきたが、大幅に膨らむ可能性も出てきた。

 北朝鮮がミサイル実験を繰り返す中、ミサイル防衛の在り方も焦点となっている。

 自民は「敵基地攻撃能力」保有を「選択肢の一つ」とする。

 これに対し、連立を組む公明は「難しい」とする。立民は「慎重な検討」を掲げ、共産党は絶対反対とする。日本維新の会は技術の保有を唱え、国民民主党は憲法の範囲で現実的議論が必要と訴える。

 憲法が定める「専守防衛」の原則を逸脱しかねず、安保政策を大きく転換する問題だ。前のめりな姿勢は危うい。

 対米関係では、沖縄県の米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設が与野党の対立軸となっている。

 2年前の県民投票で移設反対が7割超にのぼり、海底に軟弱地盤が見つかったが、自民は「着実に進める」とし、公明も容認する。推進する根拠を改めて示す必要がある。

 一方、立民や共産など野党4党は「中止」で足並みをそろえたが、代替案を具体的に語ってほしい。

 沖縄に集中する米軍基地負担の軽減策についても、各党は将来像を明確に示すべきだ。
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