2021 Retrospective: Japan Must Stop Free Use of Bases by US

Published in Ryukyu Shimpo
(Japan) on 28 December 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by T Kagata. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The shadow of war is growing darker every day.

2021 was a year when all kinds of incidents happened, including low altitude flights by U.S. military aircraft, suspension drills, increased noise from foreign aircraft, crash landings and falling aircraft parts, release of water contaminated by PFAS into the public sewage system, and the arrival and departure of the MV-22 Osprey at the Naha Port Facility.*

At the end of the year, the Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military revealed they were drafting a new Japan-U.S. joint operation plan to establish a U.S. military base in the Southwest Islands in anticipation of an emergency in Taiwan.

A series of base-related problems indicate that U.S. military bases and training airspace in Okinawa are being used more frequently due to intensified drills and exercises keeping China in mind and that the intrusion into the lives of residents and threats to their safety are expanding.

Fifty years ago, the U.S. returned Okinawa’s administration to Japan, but did not give up its right to freely use the bases in Okinawa in agreement with the Japanese government. Amid growing tensions, which could be said to be coming on the eve of an emergency in Taiwan, it is becoming apparent that Okinawa is still treated as occupied territory.

If this situation continues, a serious accident involving the lives of the people in the prefecture could occur at any time. And that’s not all. Okinawa will once again be turned into a battlefield as the front line in a Taiwanese emergency. We need to put a stop to the free use of Okinawa.

It should be the Japanese government’s responsibility to refuse granting extraterritorial powers to the U.S. forces stationed in Okinawa and to prevent harm to residents. However, the Japanese government is imposing a burden on Okinawa in line with U.S. military strategy, as it continues to pour sediment into the sea and ignores the will of the people of Okinawa who oppose construction of a base in Henoko, Nago City.

With regard to the construction of the new base, Gov. Denny Tamaki denied the application for design changes submitted by the Okinawa Defense Bureau. The denial was a natural decision, as there was no guarantee of safety, including the fact that no survey had been conducted at the deepest point of the soft ground. However, the Ministry of Defense again took the countermeasure of asking the minister of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism, a member of the cabinet, to overturn the denial.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida took office this year, but his response to Okinawa is no different from that of the Abe and Kan administrations, which repeatedly stated that Henoko [relocation] is the only solution and refused to engage in dialogue with the prefecture. The roots of subordination to the U.S. run deep.

In his general policy speech, Kishida indicated his intention to consider “enemy base attack capability.” Enemy base attack capability has a strong affinity to the U.S. plan to deploy medium-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads in Japan. The possession of an offensive capability in violation of the Japanese constitution, including the possibility that it is a stepping stone to deploying missiles in Okinawa, is unacceptable.

In November, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, which are promoting the southwest shift, delivered ammunition, including surface-to-ship and surface-to-air missiles, to the Bora training ground in Miyakojima City. The garrison on Ishigaki Island will be established by the end of 2022, and the deployment of troops in the southwest region will be largely completed.

The deployment lacks the perspective of the residents who will be caught in the fighting. The presence of U.S. and Self-Defense Forces bases and equipment does not ensure the safety of residents, but rather makes the islands a target for enemy attacks. We must take action to push back the military fortification of the Southwest islands.

*Editor’s note: PFAS is short for per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, found to be toxic and to have harmful health impacts, and which are known to contaminate sources of drinking water.


<社説>21回顧・基地 自由使用に歯止めかけよ
2021年12月28日 05:00

 日を追うごとに「戦争」の色が濃くなっている。
 米軍機の低空飛行につり下げ訓練、外来機の騒音増、航空機の不時着や部品落下、PFAS汚染水の公共下水道放出、那覇軍港でのMV22オスプレイ発着など、あらゆる事態が起きた1年だった。
 そして年末になり、自衛隊と米軍が、台湾有事を想定して南西諸島に米軍の軍事拠点を設ける日米の新たな共同作戦計画の原案を策定していたことが明らかになった。
 頻発する一連の基地絡みの問題は、中国をにらんだ訓練・演習の激化で在沖米軍基地や訓練空水域の使用頻度が高まり、住民生活の侵害や安全を脅かす範囲が広がっていることを示している。
 50年前に米国は沖縄の施政権を日本に返還したが、沖縄の基地の自由使用権を日本政府と合意の上で手放さなかった。台湾有事前夜とも言うべき緊張が高まる中で、今も沖縄を「占領地」扱いする実態があらわになっている。
 このままでは、県民の生命に関わる重大事故がいつ起きてもおかしくない。それだけではない。台湾有事の最前線として再び戦場と化してしまう。沖縄の自由使用に歯止めをかけなければならない。
 駐留米軍に治外法権を認めず、国民の被害を回避するのが日本政府の責務のはずだ。しかし、名護市辺野古の基地建設に反対する沖縄の民意を無視して海への土砂投入を続けるなど、米国の軍事戦略に付き従って日本政府が沖縄に負担を押し付けている。
 新基地建設を巡っては沖縄防衛局が県に提出していた設計変更申請を、玉城デニー知事が不承認とした。軟弱地盤の最深地点で調査が行われていないなど安全性の保証がなく、不承認は当然の判断だ。しかし防衛省は、内閣の一員である国土交通相に不承認の取り消しを求めるという対抗措置をまたも繰り返した。
 今年は岸田文雄首相が誕生したが、沖縄への対応を見れば、「辺野古が唯一」を繰り返し、県との対話を拒否した安倍・菅政権までと変わらない。対米従属の根は深い。
 岸田氏は所信表明演説で「敵基地攻撃能力」を検討する考えを示した。敵基地攻撃能力は、核弾頭搭載可能な中距離弾道ミサイルを米国が日本に配備する計画と親和性が強い。沖縄にミサイル配備する布石という可能性も含め、憲法違反の攻撃能力の保有は認められない。
 南西シフトを進める自衛隊は11月、宮古島市の保良訓練場に地対艦、地対空ミサイルなどの弾薬を搬入した。22年度中には石垣島の駐屯地が開設し、南西地域への部隊配備がおおむね完了する。
 配備は戦闘に巻き込まれる住民の視点を欠いている。米軍、自衛隊の基地や装備の存在は、住民の安全どころか敵の攻撃対象となって島々を標的にするものだ。南西諸島の軍事要塞(ようさい)化を押し返す動きを講じなければならない。
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