US-Australian ‘Partners in the Blue Pacific’ Initiative No Match for China

Published in China Review News
(Hong Kong) on 27 June 2022
by Peng Nian (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Having continuously sensationalized regular cooperation between China and the Pacific Islands, the United States has finally run out of steam and recently established the informal “Partners in the Blue Pacific” initiative, along with Australia, Japan, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. According to a joint statement by the five countries, the PBP will provide assistance to Pacific islands such as Fiji and Samoa and strengthen their economic ties with the rest of the world to promote economic and diplomatic relations between the PBP member countries and those in the Pacific.

Despite the noble-sounding rationale, anyone with eyes can see that the PBP, set up by the United States and Australia, is aimed at China. In other words, it is a direct response by the United States, Australia and the other countries to the direction that China’s relations with the Pacific Islands have taken of late, and its principal aim is to contain China’s rapidly growing influence among the Pacific Islands. Taken on top of the Five Eyes alliance previously formed by the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, the encirclement China is subjected to in the Pacific by the United States, Australia and the others would appear to be airtight.

That said, how far can these anti-China alliances really go? As Fiji’s U.N. ambassador, Satyendra Prasad, has said, the relationship between the Pacific Islands and Washington needs “great predictability” and cannot be “stop-start.” In reality, prior to the China boosting relations with the Pacific Islands, the United States had very little interest in them. The United States has placed a renewed emphasis on the region only because of China’s expanded influence there.

This suggests that the United States is not itself motivated to develop close ties with the Pacific Islands, and that the basis for relations between the United States and the Pacific Islands is not a strong one. On the one hand, the Pacific Islands occupy a relatively weak position on the U.S. global strategic map; on the other hand, the United States’ economic and diplomatic ties with the Pacific Islands are few and far between to begin with. As an example, in the U.S. State Department’s declassified Indo-Pacific Strategy report, the United States makes scant mention of the Pacific Islands and attaches rather less importance to them than it does to Southeast Asia and South Asia.

In addition, the Pacific Islands have weak economic foundations and relatively little economic and trade cooperation with the United States and other Western countries, and as a result, the United States has very little economic interest in the region. Not only that, but while these islands are heavily dependent on external economic assistance for their development, the strategic benefits they might bring to the United States are too limited to attract any significant U.S. aid. This is why Prasad complained of the “stop-start” relationship between the United States and the Pacific Islands: The United States has provided only a bare minimum of sporadic and token aid in order to maintain its relations with the Pacific Islands.

Now, in a bid to stop the expansion of Chinese influence in the Pacific Islands, the United States has hastily assembled the PBP, but this provisional anti-China group is not internally motivated. In one sense, since it is designed to contain China, the PBP will therefore be adjusted dynamically as China’s relations with the Pacific Islands develop. Once China slows the pace of developing its relationship with the Pacific Islands, or should that relationship not be as militarily productive as the United States seems to imagine, the PBP will naturally be laid to rest.

In another sense, just how effective the PBP will be depends on the appetite of the Pacific islands. After all, they are all heavily in debt, and most of them require external assistance. Now that both the United States and China are coming to the Pacific Islands to jockey for influence, the island countries can simply sit tight and jack up their prices. As Prasad said, “The governments and peoples of the Pacific Islands welcome the establishment of long-lasting partner relations with the United States.” The problem with this is that, if the United States cannot satisfy these countries’ appetites, then the Partners in the Pacific island countries will not think highly of the Blue Pacific initiative. Moreover, if the United States agrees to establish a long-term and lasting partnership with the Pacific islands, it will mean providing them with long-term assistance. If the strategic importance of the Pacific islands were to diminish significantly, the United States would be locked into honoring its promise to maintain high levels of investment in the region, which would be more trouble than it is worth.

Where the Pacific islands are concerned, although they may simultaneously reap certain benefits from both China and the United States, they risk the chance the United States will walk out on them. Therefore, the Pacific Islands need to weigh pros and cons, so that, when the time comes, they do not wind up empty-handed. All in all, the Partners in the Blue Pacific initiative will exacerbate the competition between the United States and China among the Pacific islands, but it will not prevent China from normalizing relations with them.


在連續炒作中國與太平洋島國之間的正常合作之後,美國終於按奈不住了。近日,美國就與澳大利亞、日本、新西蘭和英國成立了“藍太平洋夥伴”(Partners in the Blue Pacific,簡稱PBP)非正式組織。根據美澳等五國的聯合聲明,“藍太平洋夥伴”將為斐濟、薩摩亞等太平洋島國提供援助,並鞏固它們與世界其他地區的經濟聯繫,以促進五國與太平洋島國的經濟和外交關係。

儘管說的理由冠冕堂皇,但明眼人都知道美澳組建“藍太平洋夥伴”意在中國。換言之,這是美澳等國對近段時間以來中國與太平洋島國關係走向的直接回應,其主要目的是遏制中國在太平洋島國快速上升的影響力。如果再加上此前美國、英國、加拿大、澳大利亞和新西蘭組建的“五眼聯盟”,那美澳等國在太平洋海域對中國的圍堵可謂是密不透風。

儘管如此,這些抗華聯盟到底能走多遠?正如斐濟駐聯合國大使普拉薩所言,太平洋島國與華盛頓的關係必須有“高度可預測性”,而不能停停走走。實際上,在中國與太平洋島國關係升溫之前,美國對太平洋島國的關注度極低。正是由於中國積極拓展在太平洋島國的影響力,美國才重新重視這一地區。

這說明美國本身缺乏與太平洋島國發展緊密關係的動力,同時美國與太平洋島國關係的基礎也不牢。一方面,太平洋島國在美國的全球戰略版圖中地位較弱;另一方面,美國與太平洋島國的經濟和外交聯繫本來就不多。比如,在美國國務院解密的印太戰略報告中,美國對太平洋島國的描述只是寥寥數語,重視程度根本不及東南亞和南亞。

此外,太平洋島國經濟基礎薄弱,與美國等西方國家的經貿合作相對較少。這就導致美國在該地區的經濟利益極少。不僅如此,這些島國的發展還非常依賴外部經濟援助。而太平洋島國能給美國帶來的戰略收益太有限,因而也無法吸引大量的美國援助。所以普拉薩才抱怨美國與太平洋島國的關係走走停停。而美國也就是時不時象徵性地給點援助,最小限度地維繫與太平洋島國的關係。

如今,美國想要阻止中國在太平洋島國的影響力擴張,才臨時拼湊了“藍太平洋夥伴”。但這種暫時性的抗華組織缺乏內生發展動力。一方面,“藍太平洋夥伴”旨在遏制中國,因而會隨著中國與太平洋島國關係的發展而動態調整。一旦中國放緩與太平洋島國關係的發展速度或者並不如美國所臆想的那樣帶有軍事合作性質,那“藍太平洋夥伴”自然也會偃旗息鼓。

另一方面,“藍太平洋夥伴”的實際成效也取決於太平洋島國的“胃口”有多大。畢竟,這些太平洋島國都是債台高築,大都需要外部援助。現在,中美兩個大國都來太平洋島國競爭影響力,那這些國家也會坐地起價。正如普拉薩所說,“太平洋國家的政府和人民會歡迎與美國建立長期持久的夥伴關係。”但問題是如果美國難以滿足這些國家的“胃口”,那所謂的“藍太平洋夥伴”也不會受到太平洋島國的青睞。此外,如果美國同意與太平洋島國建立長期持久的夥伴關係,那就意味著美國要對太平洋島國進行長期援助。即便太平洋島國的戰略意義大幅削減,美國也得兌現諾言,繼續維持該地區的高投入,這就非常得不償失。

對於太平洋島國來說,雖然可以同時獲取來自中美的各種好處,但也面臨被美國拋棄的風險。所以,太平洋島國也得掂量掂量其中的利害關係,別到時雞飛蛋打一場空。總的來說,“藍太平洋夥伴”會加劇中美在太平洋島國的競爭態勢,但卻無法阻止中國與太平洋島國發展正常關係。
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