Pelosi’s Visit to Taiwan an Opportunity for US To Redefine Its ‘One-China’ Policy

Published in Apple Daily
(Taiwan) on 7 August 2022
by Guo Zhenhe (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
How do the United States’ and China’s ideas on One China differ from each other? One can summarize China’s One-China principle as follows: (1) There is only one China in the world; (2) the government of the People’s Republic of China is the legitimate government representing all of China; and (3) Taiwan is an inseparable part of Chinese territory. The United States, on the other hand, does not have a One-China “principle,” but only a One-China “policy.” Under this One-China policy, the first issue lies in dealing with how one views the One-China principle. Unlike the Chinese Communist Party’s One-China principle, the United States’ One-China policy does not take a position on Taiwan’s sovereignty. The United States maintains informal but extensive, close and friendly relations with Taiwan, which include a commitment to assist Taiwan in its self-defense under the Taiwan Relations Act — but the U.S. has not made any changes to its long-standing policy. The U.S. is only making important updates to how it engages with Taiwan to better reflect such policies and to respond to changing circumstances. These adjustments, while significant, still fall within the scope of its One-China policy.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has repeatedly stated that China has always insisted on “peaceful reunification under one country, two systems,” on the basis of the “One-China principle and the 1992 Consensus,” and “the necessity of accomplishing the goal of reunification,” but he has not given up on resolving the situation in the Taiwan Strait by force, and as if to corroborate Xi’s remarks, the People’s Liberation Army began large-scale exercises the day after Nancy Pelosi left Taiwan. Meanwhile, Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen stated that “neither side of the Taiwan Strait is subordinate to the other, and the people of Taiwan will not give in under pressure,” adding that Taiwan would continue to strengthen its national defense and demonstrate its determination to defend itself “to ensure that no one can force Taiwan to follow the path set by China.”

The United States, which has long adopted a policy of “strategic ambiguity,” has all along expressed a desire to avoid changes in the cross-strait status quo, yet President Joe Biden has repeatedly promised that the United States would come to Taiwan’s defense. Vladimir Putin’s statement that China “does not need to use force” in order to achieve reunification with Taiwan has been interpreted in many different ways; tension in the Taiwan Strait is intensifying, and China is using trade and commerce to smother Taiwan. But the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Ltd. has more than half the world’s market share in computer chips, so does China really dare to block trade completely?

Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan has provided the United States with an opportunity to redefine its One-China policy and to better understand the nature of China’s cross-strait strategy.

The author, Guo Zhenhe, is a scholar and adjunct professor at Soochow University School of Business.


美中也「一中」各表?學者:裴洛西訪台是美國重新定義一中政策的機會

郭振鶴/東吳大學商學院兼任教授

美中雙方的「一中」有什麼不同?中國的「一中原則」概述如下:(1)世界上只有一個中國。(2)中華人民共和國政府是代表全中國的合法政府。(3)台灣是中國領土不可分割的一部分。而美國沒有「一中原則」,只有「一中政策」。在此一中政策下,首先便是處理如何看待「一中原則」的方式:美國的「一中政策」與中共的「一中原則」不同,美國一中政策對台灣主權不持立場。美國與台彎保持廣泛、密切且友好的非正式關係,包括根據《台灣關係法》協助台灣自我防衛的承諾,未對長期政策作出任何改變。目前在做的只是對我方與台灣的接觸做出重要的更新,以便更佳地反映此類政策,並因應不斷變化的情況。前述調整雖然顯著,但仍於「一中政策」範圍之內。

中國國家主席習近平一再重申,中國對台灣始終堅持「和平統一、一國兩制」、「一個中國原則和九二共識」、「必定完成統一目標」,但也不放棄武力解決台海局勢,如同印證習近平發言,裴洛西離開台灣隔日,解放軍便開始進行大規模演習。台灣總統蔡英文則表示「兩岸互不隸屬,台灣人民不會在壓力下屈服」,台灣會繼續充實國防,展現自我防衛的決心,「確保沒人能逼迫台灣走向中國設定的路徑。」

長期一直採取「戰略模糊」策略的美國始終表示希望避免兩岸現狀改變,然而總統拜登卻數次承諾出美國會「防衛台灣」。普丁曾稱「中國統一台灣無需動武」,一句話引起各自解讀。台海緊張氣氛加劇,中國運用經貿封殺台灣。但台積電晶片市佔率是全世界一半以上,中國真的敢完全封鎖貿易?

裴洛西訪台給美國重新定義一中政策機會,也更清楚中國的兩岸戰略本質。
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