More than three days after the “shock and awe” press conference, this right-wing libertarian boys’ club bully circle, half of the world is still trying to sweep up the shards of a shattered relationship. On Monday morning, speaking on radio station 100.7, Luxembourg former Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn described U.S. President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance as “two mafiosos” at the “lowest level.” My colleague Guy Kemp was completely correct in commenting in these pages on a political culture in decline. Luxembourg Prime Minister Luc Frieden also made a statement on the weekend, shedding tears over the destroyed trans-Atlantic relationship and invoking European solidarity.
Everyone agrees that something great and important broke last weekend, that a slow, gradual development had taken a radical turn. But exactly how it should be responded to, from a European perspective, is less clear. There is still too much “awe” after the “shock.” On a national level, Prime Minister Frieden announced that he would seek talks with all parties represented in parliament to address the subject of security policy. So far, so good. European unity starts with small steps. On Monday, the prime minister also visited the parliamentary commission for foreign affairs. There was nothing radically new to announce afterward. It is agreed that Luxembourg needs to increase defense spending. But more than 2% of the GDP from the get-go? It’ll be challenging enough just to get there.
The question emerges, does that really go far enough? And the answer begins to emerge that this time, expressions of solidarity and sharing “we stand with Ukraine” pics on social media won’t be enough. To really understand the urgency to act, it finally needs to be written down: The U.S. has bid farewell to the West. The power that protected democracy and freedom in the 20th century has left the rules-based order behind and taken the side of those who see power as an organizing principle. Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping welcome their new member. In the opinion of German political scientist Herfried Münkler, Europe only has two options: “To become an independent political actor that can assert itself in a conflict with the great powers, or a compliant subordinate who does the bidding of Washington or Moscow.” So, Europe just has to achieve, as quickly as possible, what it has not managed to do for years.
The loss of basic certainties requires fundamentally new ideas. Until now, however, many well-worn clichés have been floating in the ether. Frieden emphasizes the past and the law — two things for which the U.S. can no longer be depended upon. Europe, he says, cannot afford to waver. “It comes down to our security and the principles of international law.” The U.S. is not just a key trade partner, Frieden says, but also an essential NATO ally. But are they still? Should we still count on the collective defense article? And how, exactly, does the game work when only one player adheres to the rules and the others do as they please?
With these questions, Europe stands alone from here on out. The U.S. has bid farewell to the West. A historic week is beginning for the EU. On Thursday, the heads of state are meeting for an emergency summit in Brussels. The topics are support for Ukraine and European defense. More is required than the usual performance. It needs to be something that can exude an energy which matches the U.S. retreat from the sphere of common values. “It is Europe’s hour,” Frieden says. Hopefully, he is right.
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